Democratic Debate Over Private School Choice Reveals Post-Election Tensions
Democrats for Education Reform鈥檚 Jorge Elorza prompted defections with push to embrace education savings accounts. But are they the party鈥檚 future?
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For 11 years, Jennifer Walmer led Democrats for Education Reform Colorado, the state chapter of the national organization that advocates for school choice.
Among the biggest wins of her tenure, she counts increases in charter funding and twice electing Democrat and school reformer Gov. Jared Polis as governor. After serving as chief of staff for the Denver Public Schools, she fully expected to finish her career at DFER.
鈥淲e worked hard to build power in the Democratic Party specifically around accountability, choice and the role of public charter schools,鈥 she said. 鈥淓verything had always been grounded 100% in public education.鈥

But last year, she said she 鈥渟aw the writing on the wall鈥 when the organization鈥檚 leader embraced Education Savings Accounts and other forms of private school choice. She is among several who have since left the group over the issue.
In a , DFER CEO Jorge Elorza, former two-term mayor of Providence, Rhode Island, suggested that instead of 鈥渞ejecting them offhand,鈥 his party should explore how ESAs can advance Democratic values like uplifting needy families and protecting civil rights. Eighteen Republican-led states now have such programs, which parents can use for private school tuition or homeschooling. Most Democrats say vouchers and ESAs lack accountability and threaten funding for public schools.
To Alisha Searcy, who just last year, Elorza鈥檚 about-face felt like a betrayal.
鈥淒FER has done extraordinary work to get courageous Democrats elected to push bold policies that would truly improve public education,鈥 said the former Georgia state legislator. She was hired last year to expand the organization鈥檚 reach into her state, Alabama and Tennessee, but resigned in May. 鈥淲e need a strong Democratic voice, now more than ever. This move to embrace vouchers and ESAs is the exact opposite.鈥
The issue has brought bubbling to the surface a debate that was previously restricted to Democratic backrooms. Elorza took the helm of DFER at a time when polls began to show that voters were losing confidence in Democrats as the party they most trusted on education. Parents, the surveys suggested, were more preoccupied with whether their kids were recovering from pandemic learning loss than how schools were teaching issues of race or gender in the classroom. The only intensified in the aftermath of President Donald Trump鈥檚 election.
Founded in 2007, DFER always advocated for . Leaders worked with the Obama administration and reform-minded Democrats to support like magnet schools, dual enrollment and lifting state . Now, Republicans and their push for parental rights are dominating the education conversation, including a recent to enact a national tax credit for private school choice. Elorza is among those who say the party needs to be open to more options for families if it’s going to regain its edge with voters, especially parents. But he recognizes the risks.
鈥淭here are a lot of Democrats who are choice curious,鈥 he told 社区黑料. 鈥淭hey’ll say privately that they’re open to the idea of choice, including private school choice, but that the politics of it are just so darn challenging.鈥
In a , he pointed to Pennsylvania as the best opportunity for a swing state to pass an ESA program. Democratic came close to supporting such a bill in 2023.
Some observers say Shapiro and Elorza are outliers in the party. During the Obama years, DFER 鈥渘udged鈥 the party toward school reform policies like and maintaining strong, said David Houston, an assistant education professor at George Mason University in Virginia. But now it鈥檚 鈥渇urther from the center of Democratic politics.鈥
The recent departure of other DFER staff offers further evidence that Elorza鈥檚 position doesn鈥檛 reflect the Democratic mainstream.
Will Andras served as political director in Colorado for Education Reform Now, a think tank affiliated with DFER that Elorza also leads. Andras left last year, shortly after DFER joined the , a group of organizations that advocate for open enrollment and removing school attendance boundaries.
The member organizations, funded largely by the conservative Koch network, also support vouchers and ESAs. In his resignation letter, Andras referenced the change in direction since Elorza came on board in 2023.
鈥淭he last six months have shown that the organization I have devoted a substantial portion of my professional career to help build no longer aligns with my political or personal values,鈥 he wrote.
Jessica Giles, who led the D.C. chapter, similar words when she walked away in May. It鈥檚 one of several chapters to close since Elorza became CEO. The Colorado, Connecticut, Massachusetts and DFER South chapters have also shut down.
Elorza said he respects their stance.
鈥淭here are a lot of folks who put a great deal of stock into this public-private distinction, and I think it comes from a principled place,鈥 he said. 鈥淏ut I truly believe that it is in the party鈥檚 political best interest to be open minded to any approach that moves the needle for kids and families.鈥
鈥楶olitical winds are shifting鈥
Backed by , the private school choice movement has been on a winning streak since 2022, when Arizona passed the first universal ESA.
鈥淭he political winds are shifting,鈥 Corey DeAngelis, a self-described 鈥渟chool choice evangelist鈥 and fellow at multiple think tanks, said at a conference in Atlanta in April. 鈥淚f Democrats are smart, they鈥檒l stop the Republicans from being able to pick up the football and win on this issue.鈥

He pointed to Louisiana, where six House Democrats 鈥 one-fifth of the party鈥檚 caucus 鈥 for the LA GATOR Scholarship, an ESA that starts this fall. One of them, Rep. Jason Hughes, passionately defended his vote on the House floor.
鈥淎s I watch children in poverty, trapped in failing schools, who can hardly read, I’ll be damned if I will continue to defend the status quo,鈥 he said.
Rep. Marlene Terry, a Missouri Democrat, delivered an equally heartfelt speech in May after caucus leaders when she supported a $50 million increase to the state鈥檚 ESA program.
鈥淚 will vote how I please, when I please and where I please,鈥 she said. 鈥淣o one can take away my voice. I will not be silent.鈥

While her own children attended public school, she said families in the St. Louis-area district she represents are frustrated that their schools have for 15 years.
鈥淭hat鈥檚 a long time for families to wait for improvement,鈥 Terry told 社区黑料. Riverview Gardens, a majority Black, high-poverty district, regained local control from the state in 2023, but leaders are still working to make continued gains in . 鈥淭hat鈥檚 why I support giving families a range of high-quality public options, including public charter schools, and 鈥 when absolutely necessary 鈥 scholarships to attend other schools if no viable public options exist.鈥
Some Democrats agree with Elorza that the party shouldn鈥檛 distance legislators like Terry. In a , Virginia Board of Education Member Andy Rotherham, who served in the Clinton White House and co-founded Bellwether, a think tank, said Democrats need to welcome 鈥渁 much wider range of perspectives on these questions,鈥 given school choice鈥檚 surge in popularity since the pandemic.
鈥淭his is America 鈥 we like choice,鈥 he wrote. 鈥淏eing on the wrong side of that culturally and politically is not a great place to be.鈥
鈥楽olidly entrenched鈥
Using an ESA can be particularly uncomfortable for a lifelong Democrat 鈥 especially In Arizona, where Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs has called the program a 鈥溾 and wants to on families using it. Kathy Visser, who administers a ESA Facebook group for parents and vendors, knows some who left the forum because they felt that it was 鈥渘ot a safe space for Democrats.鈥
鈥淚 hate election time because it’s always a mess in the group,鈥 she said. 鈥淧eople think we should be able to talk about ESAs without talking about politics, but when you’ve got one party so solidly entrenched against it, it’s really hard.鈥
Some Democrats who use ESAs say they hold their noses when it comes to other aspects of the Republican agenda.
Christina Foster, whose daughter has used an ESA in the past, said she gets 鈥渉eart palpitations鈥 when she has to decide on a candidate. She鈥檚 board chair for Arizona鈥檚 , which runs microschools serving students using ESAs, and wants to protect the program. But in the 2024 election, she voted for Democrats.
鈥淪ome of those Republicans were not supportive of minority rights, immigration rights, women鈥檚 rights. Those are very important to me,鈥 she said. 鈥淚 said 鈥極K, unfortunately, I’m going to have to vote against the ESA.鈥

For those within the traditional K-12 system, the choice to use an ESA can be tricky. As a kindergarten teacher in Arizona鈥檚 Peoria district, Melanie Ford is familiar with about how the program undermines funding for traditional schools and is susceptible to waste and fraud.
But she overlooked those arguments when public school no longer seemed like a safe place for her transgender son Ash. He avoided using the bathroom all day because students said he didn鈥檛 belong in the boys鈥 or the girls鈥 restroom.
For the 2023-24 school year, Ash used an ESA to attend the , a microschool for middle schoolers in Phoenix that incorporates into the curriculum. Ford told her colleagues that despite her support of public schools, she had to think first about her son. Ash has since returned to a public high school, where he plays on a drumline in the marching band and has straight A鈥檚, his mother said. But using the ESA allowed him to transition in a more supportive setting.
鈥淗e didn鈥檛 have to deal with the comments from peers that slowly rip a person apart from the inside out,鈥 she said. 鈥淗e could grow into himself without judgement from others and this was so important for his mental health.鈥

While some Democrats, as Elorza suggested, may think an ESA is the best option for their children, that interest hasn鈥檛 risen to the national level. No Congressional Democrats, for example, have endorsed the federal Educational Choice for Children Act, the tax credit scholarship program tucked into the Republicans鈥 reconciliation bill.
In some states, vouchers remain unpopular, said Joshua Cowen, an education professor at Michigan State University and a strong opponent of directing public funds to private schools.
He points to Kentucky, where a private school choice measure last November. Coloradans also defeated a school choice-related , and voters in Nebraska .

While the Democratic party may embrace vouchers in the future, that day is a long way off, said Ravi Gupta, a former Obama staffer who runs a nonprofit media company. On an intellectual level, he鈥檚 intrigued by ESAs. Democrats, he said, would never say Medicaid should only be used at a public hospital or Section 8 vouchers only in a housing project, so why doesn鈥檛 the same principle apply to education?
鈥淭wenty years from now, do I think that could be the reality?鈥 he asked. 鈥淚 think it’s very likely, but it will take some time.鈥
Disclosure: The Charles Koch Foundation funds Stand Together Trust, which provides funding to 社区黑料. Andy Rotherham sits on 社区黑料鈥檚 board of directors.
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