The vision for Robert F. Smith STEAM Academy was to provide as many as 500 Denver students . But five years after opening, the school has just 24 students and could close at the end of this school year.

Denver Public Schools Superintendent Alex Marrero is recommending an operational closure, according to letters sent to families and staff. Denver schools are funded per student, and an operational closure is when a school鈥檚 enrollment is so low that it鈥檚 financially unsustainable.

A district spokesperson said Friday that operational closures do not require approval from the elected school board, but on Tuesday said that was incorrect. The board must vote on Marrero鈥檚 recommendation, the spokesperson said, but it鈥檚 unclear when that will happen.

Chelsey Moore鈥檚 son is a senior at Robert F. Smith. He enrolled there , the Denver School of Innovation and Sustainable Design, because of low enrollment. Moore said her son, who is not a student of color, found a 鈥渕agical 鈥� standalone safe space鈥� at Robert F. Smith.

Even though her son will graduate this year, Moore is mourning the loss.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e not just closing schools. They鈥檙e not just making economic choices,鈥� Moore said. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e changing the trajectory and futures for students.鈥�

In some ways, what happened at Robert F. Smith is emblematic of a bigger pattern. The number of small Denver schools is increasing as enrollment decreases. , , which was more than the district was expecting. Marrero has warned that more school closures are likely coming.

But Robert F. Smith also faced unique challenges.

The idea for the school came from a group of Black parents and sports coaches in far northeast Denver in that region. Their advocacy followed that detailed the ways in which DPS was underserving Black students and led the school board .

In 2019, the board took the rare step of it submitted to start a school modeled after historically Black colleges and universities, or HBCUs. A few months later, , despite some members鈥� worries that district enrollment could soon decline.

, Robert F. Smith struggled to enroll students. The school doesn鈥檛 have a boundary, so all of its students must proactively choose it. Before Robert F. Smith opened in the fall of 2021, . Despite aiming to enroll 125 students that year, the school鈥檚 final count was 78, according to district data.

Enrollment increased to 135 students in 2022 but fell to just 44 in 2023 after the school moved to a new building 10 miles away. The school鈥檚 first location was . That building didn鈥檛 have a kitchen, an auditorium, or sports fields 鈥� all of which students and the school鈥檚 founders said they鈥檇 been promised.

鈥淭he ninth grade biology classes have to come into the 10th grade chemistry room to do experiments because the biology class is the size of a prison cell,鈥� former student Jessie Matthews told the school board in 2022.

But , wasn鈥檛 ideal either, in part because it relocated the school out of far northeast Denver. The move was meant to give Robert F. Smith room to grow, but enrollment never got higher than about 90 students.

This year, the district cut ninth grade from Robert F. Smith after fewer than 20 freshmen applied, a district spokesperson said.

The school also endured a leadership change and friction between its founders and DPS. In 2022, and nearly all other DPS schools, citing Pryor鈥檚 treatment of district staff. Pryor sued DPS, and .

Pryor did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

In letters to Robert F. Smith families and staff, district officials promised to help students find new schools and teachers find new jobs. But Moore said she鈥檚 disappointed in how families found out about the proposed closure. After receiving a vague message last Tuesday about a meeting two days later to 鈥渄iscuss the future of the school鈥� at which only a few parents showed up, families got another message about the operational closure.

鈥淢ost parents didn鈥檛 know until last night that the school was closing,鈥� Moore said. 鈥淥ur question was, 鈥榃hy weren鈥檛 we informed?鈥� Why didn鈥檛 the district give us the opportunity to speak out for the school and help recruit? It鈥檚 a tight community and we would have stepped in to help.鈥�

This story was originally published by Chalkbeat, a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at

On Nov. 3, Coloradans will vote on two separate ballot measures to enact laws prohibiting 鈥渁ny surgery to a minor for the purpose of altering biological sex characteristics鈥� and requiring school districts and colleges to limit sports participation based on students鈥� sex assigned at birth. 

A third initiative created by the same sponsor, Protect Kids Colorado, would increase the penalty for child sex trafficking to life imprisonment without parole.

Political strategists on both sides of the debate over LGBTQ rights are watching anxiously. If the gambit succeeds, it would be the first time nationwide that new statewide anti-trans restrictions would be enacted by voters, and not by a legislature, an executive order from a governor or president or by a state or federal agency.

It would also open up a new path to rolling back transgender rights in states that lack GOP majorities in elected office. According to trackers maintained by the American Civil Liberties Union and other advocacy organizations, hundreds of bills seeking to curtail transgender rights have been introduced in Congress and state legislatures every year since 2020 鈥� and more than 100 have been enacted 鈥� but some 91% have failed.   

Twenty-seven states have enacted laws banning trans students from participating in sports consistent with their gender identity, while 23 have retained or strengthened laws prohibiting anti-LGBTQ discrimination. 

Colorado is being watched especially closely. Since 2019, when party control there flipped to Democrats, the General Assembly has protecting transgender and nonbinary people and rejected 11 bills that would have curtailed their rights, making it one of the most LGBTQ-affirming states in the country. State law prohibits in-school discrimination against gender-nonconforming and gay students.    

Colorado is one of a handful of states that make it comparably easy for residents to end-run their legislatures. This year, anyone who could gather 124,238 signatures  鈥� the equivalent of 5% of the votes cast in the last gubernatorial election 鈥� could place a 鈥溾�� to create a new law on the ballot. 

According to the UCLA School of Law鈥檚 Williams Institute, 13,000 Coloradans ages 13 to 17 identify as transgender. It鈥檚 unclear how many play sports. Opponents of the initiative say they can count them 鈥渙n two hands.鈥� Meanwhile, Protect Kids Colorado co-founder Erin Lee told 社区黑料 she hears from three to five families a week whose kids have been affected by trans athletic participation.  

Research from the LGBTQ organizations The Trevor Project and the Human Rights Campaign has consistently found that as few as 17% of gender nonconforming youth participate in sports, while 90% of LGBTQ youth feel unsafe in locker rooms.   

Neither of the two Colorado hospitals that provide gender-affirming care to youth perform surgery on minors. Nationwide, a study published in JAMA Pediatrics found that from 2018 through 2022, of 5 million patients ages 8-17, received puberty blockers while 1,927 received hormones.

There are several implications for school districts, which would be responsible for creating policies deciding who will determine students鈥� sex 鈥� described on the ballot as 鈥渃ertain aspects of a participant鈥檚 biological reproductive system鈥� 鈥�  how screening will be paid for and how the state Department of Education would enforce compliance. Small and rural districts would have to decide whether they can field single-sex teams for both girls and boys.   

Colorado鈥檚 175 school districts would make these decisions in the face of competing legal frameworks and political pressures. The state鈥檚 anti-discrimination laws protect gender nonconforming students鈥� access to athletics, bathrooms and in-school opportunities, even as the Trump administration has pronounced these rules in violation of Title IX, which prohibits sex-based discrimination in programs that receive federal funding.   

In March, the U.S. Department of Education threatened to withhold federal funding from the state鈥檚 second-largest district, Jeffco Public Schools, after the department鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights concluded transgender students 鈥溾�� on its girls鈥� teams. Jeffco leaders sued the Trump administration, claiming that complying would put the district afoul of trans-inclusive state laws.   

In August, a a separate suit against Colorado education officials brought by eight other school systems whose boards wanted to bar transgender students from teams that don鈥檛 match their sex assigned at birth. Protections for transgender athletes in the state鈥檚 anti-discrimination law put the districts in an 鈥渦ntenable position,鈥� the suit argued.

Whether the initiatives pass, schools will have to deal with the negative impact on their LGBTQ students, who often count on school to be a respite.       

鈥淲hen kids see their politicians and their teachers and school districts and media coverage talking about these issues it really can change the rhetoric and the dialogue and and the day-to-day experiences of kids themselves and particularly in schools,鈥� says Logan Casey, director of policy and research for the Movement Advancement Project, which tracks legislation affecting LGBTQ people and democracy. 

鈥淓ven when they don’t become law, they still impact and can drastically shape the culture, the public discourse about LGBTQ people and especially about trans people,鈥� he says. 鈥淎nd kids often feel the biggest brunt of that.鈥�

Voters in Arizona, Nebraska and Washington whether to prohibit transgender student participation in girls鈥� athletics or expand restrictions, albeit with differing political dynamics. Arizona’s Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs has repeatedly vetoed anti-trans legislation, while such bills have stalled in the Democrat-controlled Washington State Legislature.    

Missourians will be asked to to outlaw gender-related healthcare for minors, including puberty blockers, as well as overturn a 2024 ballot measure affirming abortion rights. Gender-affirming care for youth is already illegal in Missouri. Unlike the measures in the other four states, the initiative was placed on the ballot by state lawmakers.  

Colorado Democrats appear poised to retain control over state government. According to the nonpartisan election tracking site Ballotopedia, Washington鈥檚 Democratic trifecta may not survive the midterms, and Arizona鈥檚 divided state government could end up in either party鈥檚 control. Republican control is not threatened in either Nebraska nor Missouri. 

was co-founded by Lee, a parent who in 2023 sued the Poudre School District, which serves students in Fort Collins and several other northern Colorado communities, alleging her parental rights were violated five years ago when a teacher invited her then 12-year-old to a meeting of the school鈥檚 gender and sexuality alliance club, or GSA. 

鈥淭hey taught her normal pubescent discomfort means she’s actually a transgender boy,鈥� says Lee. 鈥淭hey taught her how to transition.鈥�

After the child came out as transgender at home, the Lees unenrolled her. The girl has since said she was never trans, just 鈥渞eally, really confused.鈥�

While continually under assault from anti-LGBTQ activists, GSAs have been legally protected for decades.  

A a trial court鈥檚 decision that the family had not 鈥減lausibly alleged鈥� that they were injured by the district鈥檚 policy of not requiring educators to disclose students鈥� gender identities to their parents.          

The suit did, however, put the family in touch with others throughout the country who believe many in-school LGBTQ student protections violate their parental rights. In 2024, Lee founded Protect Kids Colorado, which initially failed to gather enough signatures to place initiatives on the ballot prohibiting trans sports participation and what she calls 鈥渟ecret school gender transition.鈥� 

At the time, says Lee, 鈥淚t was widely accepted that you have to have millions of dollars to pay circulators and for messaging and calling. Like a special interest group process; if you have enough money, you can buy your way onto the ballot.鈥� 

This year, Protect Kids Colorado had little trouble clearing that hurdle. Lee says the group took a methodical approach to its organizing strategy. More than 3,300 volunteer canvassers worked in concert with the state鈥檚 Catholic conference 鈥� which to circulate petitions on high-attendance weekends 鈥� and at least one network of . 

A complaint pending before state campaign finance officials claims the initiative鈥檚 backers failed to report payments to a signature gathering firm. 鈥淲e’re rectifying the reporting issue there,鈥� says Lee, who described the canvassing as an outside effort to ensure the petition had “a buffer.”聽 聽

By contrast, proponents of the ballot questions in Washington and Arizona had to collect the equivalent of 8% and 10% of the vote. In Missouri, the threshold is 8%, with a requirement that a certain number come from at least six of the state鈥檚 eight congressional districts. 

Using ballot initiatives to target trans people may be new, but it was used to oppose same-sex marriage, notes Casey. 

From 1994 to 2012, marriage equality measures went on state ballots 鈥� all but three seeking bans. Research from the University of Michigan found that the states with the easiest processes for getting an initiative onto the ballot were to enact laws or constitutional amendments outlawing same-sex marriage 鈥� regardless of public opinion, which did not differ significantly across states.

鈥淥ne of the reasons that in Colorado specifically we’re seeing these ballot measures is not just because it’s easy to get a measure onto the ballot, but also because the legislature has faced many anti-trans bills and proposals in recent years and has defeated them across the board,鈥� says Casey. 鈥淭hey’re pivoting back to this old tactic to see if they can’t try to advance these policies directly through voters at the ballot box.鈥� 

Advocates are unsure of chances of success. The proposition that appears first of the three on the ballot is 133, the anti-trafficking proposal; the sports and surgery bans are 134 and 135. Protect Kids Colorado鈥檚 Lee has described the connection between the three initiatives as combatting the sexualization of children.

Both sides say they are disadvantaged by the 鈥減lain language鈥� and arguments for and against them in the book state officials mailed to every registered Colorado voter earlier this month. Proponents say the descriptions are biased. Opponents, meanwhile, say they are not specific enough. 

Over the summer, state officials said yes to only 14 of 54 homeschool enrichment programs that applied for approval. It was the first step in a broader effort to increase oversight of a controversial slice of the public education system that has seen massive growth in recent years.

On Thursday, the nine-member State Board of Education will take another step in the process, discussing for homeschoolers going forward. Two proposals under consideration, though filled with technical definitions and legalese, highlight some of the gaping loopholes that private enrichment providers used in recent years to offer unusual or pricey activities to homeschoolers, or money to their parents, using taxpayer dollars.

The proposed rules ban funding for things like ski lessons, private piano lessons, and lacrosse club fees, and bar homeschool programs from giving parents loaded debit cards for purchases. The rules also limit the number of fee-based field trips each semester 鈥� a reaction to enrichment programs that consisted mostly of field trips, including to escape rooms, bowling alleys, and Topgolf.

For years, Colorado regulated certain programs for homeschoolers so lightly that trips to ski resorts, trampoline parks, skydiving centers, and climbing gyms were paid for on the public dime. That changed in May when lawmakers cracked down, angry that it had spun out of control. Last year, homeschool enrichment cost the state nearly $100 million.

The State Board will vote on a final version of homeschool enrichment rules later this fall.

Homeschool enrichment programs have been around for many years, but their numbers grew dramatically after the pandemic, fueled by a . Such programs typically offer one day of tuition-free classes a week and are meant to give homeschooled students socialization opportunities or access to courses that are hard to provide at home.

Final tallies aren鈥檛 in, but it鈥檚 likely Colorado now has fewer publicly funded homeschool enrichment programs and lower enrollment in those programs than in years past. That鈥檚 partly because this summer鈥檚 temporary rules created an elaborate application process for the kind of programs that were multiplying the fastest: the ones operating outside the boundaries of the district where they鈥檙e authorized.

The state has collected dozens of written comments about the proposed rules so far, and will continue to do so until the State Board鈥檚 final vote. A number of homeschool parents have urged the State Board to adopt Option B, which would allow private groups to continue offering homeschool enrichment.

One Jefferson County mother, Melissa Hosie, said, 鈥淢y child is learning airplane, motorcycle, and bicycle mechanics, and blacksmithing. There is no WAY I could provide the education myself!鈥�

She gave a nod to state officials鈥� concerns that some questionable programs got public funding in the past 鈥� she mentioned martial arts 鈥� saying, 鈥淚f someone is abusing, you don鈥檛 stop everyone, you just stop the abuser.鈥�

Jill Duvall, a retired teacher from the Elizabeth district, argued for tight guardrails, noting that public schools are laying off teachers and making cuts even as millions have been spent on specialized homeschool enrichment programs that public school students couldn鈥檛 access.

鈥淭he amount of taxpayers鈥� dollars expended on these (homeschool enrichment programs) needs to stop,鈥� she said. 鈥淓nough is enough!鈥�

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at
 

States and districts are expanding internships, apprenticeships, work-based learning and career pathways. Employers want stronger connections to future workers, while schools are looking for ways to make learning more relevant. The question is no longer whether career-connected learning will grow, but what kind of experiences that growth will create.

Two examples, drawn from the authors鈥� work, show different approaches. The   connects students with professional experiences across roughly 140 high school career-connected learning programs in 32 states. , part of Education Reimagined鈥檚 , is building those connections into the design of the school itself.

CAPS reaches more than 15,000 young people. Students work with professionals, take on projects for real clients and explore fields such as engineering, healthcare, entrepreneurship and technology. In many programs, they spend five to 10 hours a week doing this work and reflecting on what they are learning about themselves.

One CAPS alum, Chloe Aspleaf, entered the program interested in science and considering laboratory research. She spent roughly half of her school day working in a cancer research lab at the University of Kansas Health System. The experience helped her realize that although she loved science, she wanted a work environment where she could interact more with other people.. She then explored healthcare through a community pharmacy, earned a pharmacy technician license while still in high school and ultimately pursued the field after graduation.

Other CAPS projects put students in the role of consultants. For several years, students worked with , a Kansas City nonprofit that creates paid employment for women by hiring them to make and sell tamales. Graphic design students created the wrap for its food truck. Architecture students planned where equipment would be placed inside the truck. Others researched licensing requirements and created nutrition labels. Advanced Spanish students helped employees set up donated laptops and email accounts in that language.

CAPS鈥� 2025 , conducted with the University of Northern Iowa鈥檚 Strategic Marketing Services, drew more than 1,200 responses. Those graduates rated their confidence after CAPS at an average of 4.84 out of 5 and reported growth in collaboration, professional communication, project management and understanding their own strengths and interests.

A different approach is taking shape at CSST, a tuition-free public school in Colorado Springs School District 11鈥檚 innovation zone. Created in partnership with the and the University of Colorado Colorado Springs, with seed funding from a grant, the school connects classroom learning in high school with opportunities at the university, local businesses and community organizations. Its approach is designed in part to address the growing demand for talent among the region鈥檚 aerospace, cybersecurity, defense and technology employers and the motivation to ensure Colorado Springs students can access those opportunities.

CSST opened with roughly 50 students in the 2025-26 school year and has grown to nearly 80 in its second year. More than 90% of its first-year students returned, according to school leader Nathan Gorsch. In its first year, the school also received the highest state score in District 11, based on academic achievement, academic growth and readiness for college and the workforce.

The school reserves Mondays for 鈥渟prints,鈥� opportunities for students to engage with professionals outside their regular classes. Participants have worked in a university engineering lab with a retired engineer and learned computer programming from an entrepreneur at , the business incubator where CSST is located. They鈥檝e also explored art and storytelling, and tackled 鈥渟mart cities鈥� projects, examining new ways technology and data collection can help communities efficiently manage growth, energy and other resources.

Some of those relationships have led to additional opportunities. For example, one  sophomore鈥檚 computer skills led to an invitation to participate in a medical-device design project with a professional team at the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus.

As states and districts invest more in career-connected learning, internships completed, credentials earned and job placements will remain important measures. But they don鈥檛 tell the whole story. Aspleaf鈥檚 research experience helped her rule out one work environment and explore another. The Tamale Kitchen received products and services created by students for actual business needs. And CSST is testing a school structure in which professional opportunities can become part of a student鈥檚 education rather than an extracurricular addition.

Career-connected learning should also be judged by what students learn about themselves, the relationships they build and what they are able to contribute before they graduate. These examples are still works in progress, and they raise questions that will become more important as career-connected learning expands. Providing a few dozen students with sustained access to employers is different from doing so across an entire district or state. Schools need enough partners to provide substantive experiences, educators and school leaders need time to develop and maintain those relationships, and opportunities need to be accessible to students who may lack transportation or professional networks. Early results from programs like CAPS and CSST are useful, but longer-term research will be needed to understand which experiences produce lasting benefits and for whom. 

Jenny Thamer had low hopes for the meeting called by the superintendent of the Boulder Valley School District to hear from families of autistic students.

From her experience, such so-called listening sessions are often pro forma events, staged more to assuage parents than to actually brainstorm change. 

This one had been called hastily, after a handful of caregivers had complained about persistent problems in their children’s classrooms. 

The meeting was scheduled for the day after Memorial Day, after the end of the Colorado district’s 2022-23 school year. Many families would likely have already left town for summer vacation. 

Worried no one would show up, Thamer and a couple other parents put together an anonymous online survey they could present if attendance was low. 

They need not have feared. Some 50 district parents came, cautiously optimistic that Superintendent Rob Anderson would hear their pain. 

鈥淚 have to give him credit,鈥� says Thamer. 鈥淗e listened to every single caregiver story without interrupting, without rushing people. Like, he was there for it.鈥�

The meeting was scheduled to last an hour, but went on for more than four, as families described repeated phone calls from school staffers demanding they pick up their child midday, kids too anxious to go to school, trauma caused by punishments 鈥� and, in nearly every case, schools鈥� lack of interest in parents鈥� ideas.

As it happened, Anderson鈥檚 own child received special education services. 鈥淚 could understand not just in a way a superintendent could understand,鈥� he recalls, 鈥渂ut as a parent could.鈥� 

While people talked, administrators and the school board president took notes on poster-sized pads stuck to the walls. At the end of the meeting, the parents presented the leaders with the results of their survey, which drew 65 responses.

Anderson listened. And then he promised to create an autism advisory team made up of parents, community members and staff with a goal of using feedback from autistic people 鈥� who usually are not consulted about their own conditions 鈥� to change the district鈥檚 approaches. Thamer, whose child received special education services, was asked to co-chair the team. 

A year later, Boulder Valley implemented what is likely the nation’s first 鈥� and only 鈥� neurodiversity policy. Adopted by the school board in 2024, it commits district schools to using 鈥渟trategies to affirm a student’s identity, rather than trying to 鈥榝ix鈥� or 鈥榗ure鈥� them.鈥� The policy applies to all kids, not just autists. 

It鈥檚 a work in progress 鈥� in part because the policy calls for a sea change in how Boulder schools have approached educating autistic students. Intending to provide good services, the district 鈥� like a handful of mostly affluent school systems across the country 鈥� had invested heavily in hiring practitioners of an intervention called applied behavior analysis. 

Commonly referred to as ABA, the therapy was pioneered in the 1960s by Ole Ivar Lovaas, the UCLA psychologist who created LGBTQ conversion therapy. Both use a system of rewards and punishments to condition a person to act and appear 鈥渘ormal.鈥� Lovaas’ approach was quickly recognized as a human rights violation when applied to LGBTQ people, but not to autistic kids.

Lovaas did not see autistic children as fully human, which he believed justified using electric shocks, slaps and the withholding of food, among other 鈥渁versives,鈥� to 鈥渆xtinguish鈥� atypical behaviors. In a trial now regarded as dangerously flawed, he claimed to have 鈥渞ecovered鈥� 鈥� cured 鈥� nine of 19 children by subjecting them to repeated 1-on-1 drills for up to 40 hours a week.

The Lovaas Method, as ABA was originally known, is now considered the gold-standard autism intervention. Parents are typically urged to enroll their children as quickly as possible after diagnosis, as young as 2, to give them their best shot at a 鈥渘ormal鈥� life.  

Over the last decade, as laws were enacted requiring insurance coverage of autism diagnosis and therapy, the rate at which children have been identified as autistic has tripled. To serve them, a very profitable and largely unregulated treatment industry has mushroomed, pulling in nearly $2 billion a year from Medicaid alone.     

For-profit ABA is particularly strong in Colorado, in large part because of the state鈥檚 history of offering relatively generous benefits for people with disabilities. Because of ABA’s dominance 鈥� and the accompanying perception that it is the most effective way of treating autistic children 鈥� school districts are increasingly turning to practitioners to staff their special education programs, whether or not it is the proper approach for a particular child.      

Modern practitioners defend the intervention, saying ABA no longer subjects children to physical punishment. Yet documentation of its harms is mounting, as researchers 鈥� including autistic adults who underwent ABA as youngsters 鈥� gather evidence that the therapy has caused widespread PTSD. Autistic children may no longer be subjected to electric shocks or slaps to the face 鈥� and the word “aversive” may sound kinder than “punishment” 鈥� but they are routinely denied food, toys and comfort items, as well as adult attention, a strategy practitioners industrywide call 鈥�.鈥� ABA providers still frequently restrain children or confine them in isolation 鈥� practices recognized as so dangerous and traumatic as to be illegal in most circumstances in Colorado schools.

At the listening session, Thamer presented the superintendent with the results of the survey, which echoed what he had heard from parents in person. One-fourth felt the need to shorten their child鈥檚 school day because teachers could not provide a full day鈥檚 support, and nearly half had unenrolled or considered withdrawing their children. 

One-third of respondents said they had been asked to pick their kids up early from school for behavioral reasons 鈥� some frequently. A fourth said their children had been excluded from field trips and other activities. And 13% had out-of-school suspensions and 9% in-school suspensions.

Some 16% were aware their child had been subject to physical restraint or seclusion 鈥� likely a wild undercount, given the number of parents at the in-person meeting who said their kids were restrained several times a week. Historically, Colorado did not require schools to report restraint until two years ago, and still doesn鈥檛 mandate data collection on seclusion. 

More than 40% said schools focused on fixing behavior rather than uncovering the reasons for it; paid more attention to students’ 鈥渓agging neurotypical skills鈥� than to their capabilities; and used inappropriate instruction strategies. 

The families鈥� experiences were common, but the opportunity to share and be believed was novel, says Thamer. Many of the caregivers at the listening session were meeting one another for the first time. Many had assumed they were alone in rejecting guidance from the district鈥檚 supposed experts, or that no one would believe the 鈥済old standard鈥� in treatment was actually making things worse for their children. 

Just sitting in a room with so many other people sharing the same experiences was cathartic. 鈥淚 had tears hearing other people’s stories,鈥� Thamer says. 鈥淧arents carry a lot of trauma from advocating for their kids.鈥�

‘Daddy, help! Daddyyyy!’ 

One of the parents present was Sarah Piril盲. In 2019, she had come home from work to hear her 5-year-old screaming in the basement. He was working with two technicians from a local private ABA center who, in an effort to stop a meltdown, had barricaded him in a room and turned their backs on him.  

This was not a new experience for P, who is being referred to by his first initial to protect his privacy. He had been through this rewards-and-aversives cycle at home, in private childcare centers 鈥� which were quick to show the family the door 鈥� and even public school-based early childhood education. As he got bigger, so did his meltdowns.          

But on this day, Piril盲 says, she heard something very different in P鈥檚 screams. 

鈥淒addy, help,鈥� he shrieked. 鈥淒addyyyy!鈥� 

She bolted down the stairs and instantly recognized that her son wasn鈥檛 being stubborn. He was terrified.

A series of realizations crystalized in an instant, she recalls. P was being punished, over and over, for not understanding what was expected of him.

In the process, he had learned to fear interactions where he could become overwhelmed and lose control. And his parents, whom he needed to keep him safe, had invited the people meting out the punishment into his life.

In schools, isolating or confining children is known as seclusion and restraint. The psychological and physical harms are . Most states have laws limiting the practices to rare episodes in which students pose an immediate threat to themselves or others.  

Yet P鈥檚 therapists were using the tactic on purpose, in the belief that after enough repetitions 鈥� delivered under the guise of benign therapy 鈥� it would 鈥渆xtinguish鈥� some of the boy鈥檚 autistic traits.

On the surface, the goal seems perfectly rational: Grownups were trying to teach P that following instructions brings rewards. But when he didn鈥檛 comply, they鈥檇 double down, sensing defiance. The stricter the adult, the more dysregulated the child鈥檚 response. 

Piril盲 knew ABA practitioners often describe the moment she was witnessing as an 鈥渆xtinguishment burst鈥� 鈥� a last willful attempt by children to get their way by ratcheting up negative behavior. If she went to P鈥檚 aid, in the therapists鈥� eyes, she would be guilty of setting back their hard work.   

She faced a horrible dilemma: follow the therapists’ advice and let the moment play out, or listen to her gut and defy experts who could document her poor judgment in a file with P鈥檚 name on it.  

In the moment, she chose her son, scooping him up and letting him cry.

She had no way of knowing how hard it would be, even after telling the boy鈥檚 private therapists she would no longer tolerate ABA鈥檚 strategies, to keep P out of the therapy. 

Over the next seven years, the district would move him to five schools, not counting distance learning during COVID and a year when P was so traumatized that Piril盲 homeschooled him. In all but one of the schools, he was subjected to ABA.

But she had an unlikely ally. The behavior technician who had stood nose-to-nose with Piril盲 in her basement is a man named Blake Ross. And that confrontation marked a watershed moment for him, too.

The core epiphany Piril盲 had during the episode was that P鈥檚 meltdown had been perceived by the adults as a choice, when in fact it was an involuntary stress response 鈥� the fight-or-flight instinct that鈥檚 a normal part of the human nervous system. Everyone has it, but it鈥檚 especially easy to trigger in a child with an acutely sensitive neurotype. 

Ross adored P. He was devastated to realize the boy was scared of him. 鈥淭here are protocols for stuff like this,鈥� he recalls. 鈥淲e were following them, and it was making things worse.鈥�

In the ensuing weeks, Ross and Piril盲 came to an understanding. The family couldn鈥檛 meet the boy鈥檚 needs alone, and Ross was committed to finding a better way to help. Together, they started trying to understand how entrenched P鈥檚 fight-or-flight responses were, and what would happen if they developed strategies to help his nervous system avoid that traumatic response. 

Things really clicked during third grade when, with help from Ross, Piril盲 started homeschooling P mid-year. With their strategies finally working, the following year Piril盲 searched for a classroom where the adults would try what she called 鈥渘euro-informed accommodations.鈥�   

In the meantime, seeking the flexibility to use their new approach with other kids, Ross and his wife, Jenn Snow, also an ABA provider, had started their own autism therapy practice. They met with Piril盲 and the members of P鈥檚 prospective school special educators to talk about their work.  

鈥淟uckily, we found a team that would actually try it,鈥� says Snow. 鈥淎nd to magnificent effect.鈥�

A data-minded mom literally charts a new course

Before she quit her job to manage P鈥檚 needs, Piril盲 was an engineer and data strategist. Both ABA and special education are supposed to be data-driven. The theory behind ABA 鈥� the analysis being applied, as it were 鈥� is that therapists record a child鈥檚 responses to behavioral drills, routines and tasks, and then use the information to refine their tactics.

An individualized education program, the legal document that spells out how special education will meet a child’s needs, is also supposed to contain quantifiable goals and measures of progress, as well as information on behavior, adult time spent delivering services and the amount of time the student spends in a segregated classroom rather than integrated with typically developing peers. 

All special education parents quickly accumulate boxes of IEP-related documents, but Piril盲 had more: reports P鈥檚 schools sent home when he was physically restrained or isolated, forms announcing he had been suspended and messages asking her to come pick him up early. 

Because P, like many autistic kids, often refused to go to school, Piril盲 tracked his attendance. She also recorded how often he met the school鈥檚 behavior goals, his reading and writing achievement, how much time he spent in different classrooms and how many special ed services he received. 

In January 2025, after P had been enrolled in a new district school willing to work with her ideas, Piril盲 put 340 pages of IEPs and other documents 鈥� 4,000 data points collected over eight years 鈥� into a database. The results were striking.

When P was being treated with ABA, he achieved the school鈥檚 behavioral goals 25% to 50% of the time. When he was in a classroom where the adults were willing to try Piril盲鈥檚 neuro-informed strategies, his success rate was 75% to 100%.

When he was allowed to spend fewer hours and days in the school environment, his attendance actually stabilized 鈥� and his reading and writing scores shot up. As P鈥檚 fight-or-flight episodes subsided, he grew more willing to work on his least-favored tasks. As adults listened to him when he advocated for himself, he spoke more frequently.  

Piril盲 created a presentation for P鈥檚 teachers and aides, with two dozen charts showing how his IEP and ABA interventions fluctuated in effectiveness. There was a one-year window 鈥� labeled 鈥渁utistic burnout鈥� 鈥� when P was restrained 20 times, sent home another 20 times and suspended three times. 

But there were also slides listing which specific, neuro-informed strategies were in place when things were going really well: 鈥淧hysical management is to be avoided entirely鈥�; 鈥淧roactive is better than reactive鈥�; 鈥淧鈥檚 words must work or he will stop using them鈥�; 鈥淔lexibility from you = flexibility from P.鈥�

At the start of the last school year, the boy鈥檚 teachers stopped pushing ABA, Piril盲 says. But when she gave them a draft IEP written from a nervous system response lens, the educators in charge of the planning process rejected it.

Everybody on the IEP team agreed with the support plan, she says. But one team member, an ABA practitioner employed by the district, said they needed to rework it to conform with ABA鈥檚 structure. 

In Boulder Valley classrooms, what that has historically meant is that when a student exhibits a problematic behavior, educators must create a hypothesis for why it鈥檚 occurring. These hypotheses assume the child is choosing to misbehave, e.g., to get attention or to avoid an activity they don鈥檛 like. Then the therapists and teachers create goals that outline the steps of an ABA strategy for addressing the student’s actions.

鈥淭he [lead therapist] said the way I wrote it from a nervous system response perspective was much more helpful,鈥� says Piril盲. 鈥淏ut then [she] also said that she can鈥檛 use that structure, that she wasn鈥檛 able to structure an alternative path for families like mine that specifically request non-ABA approaches.鈥�  

The format of a support plan may seem like a small thing to someone who has not struggled to get their child an atypical IEP, Piril盲 says. But to her, it suggests the adults in the district are not ready to step away from something that鈥檚 not working.  

A shaky substitute for real special ed       

In 2022, the Colorado General Assembly took up a bill to allow families to request an ABA therapist of their choosing be allowed to accompany their child to school. Legislators ended up passing a dramatically amended law requiring districts to have a policy addressing the question. 

The debate, however, revealed that much of the time, schools and families were using private ABA therapy to make up for gaps in special education, childcare and disability services writ large 鈥� something also highlighted in federal audits of Medicaid spending in Colorado and several other states.   

Many of the therapists and industry representatives testified that their clients didn鈥檛 have time for both ABA and school, attended schools that had declared students鈥� needs too profound to manage or said that because they were understaffed, they could support autistic students for only a few hours a day. 

The parents who urged passage of the bill said they needed ABA to close a caregiving gap. Several said schools and preschools were quick to demand they pick their kids up midday 鈥� sometimes threatening to call the police if they didn鈥檛.

鈥淪chools are happy to abbreviate their day and make this someone else鈥檚 problem,鈥� said one. 鈥淎nd I just don鈥檛 think that鈥檚 right.鈥� 

Other parents said their kids were behind academically because they split their time between a therapy center and school. 

A lack of school staff with autism expertise and of out-of-school caregiving options for families are real problems, says Julie Reiskin, co-executive director of the Colorado Cross-Disability Coalition. But behavioral therapy is not intended to address those problems. 

鈥淲e need to have childcare and schools that are not calling parents, that can keep their kid through the whole day,鈥� she says. 鈥淏ut if that’s the need, then that’s what we should be funding, not one specific kind of therapy. 

鈥淲e could do it for a lot less money than this,鈥� adds Reiskin. 鈥淎nd maybe the kids will also be having more fun.鈥� 

Lindsey Trott told lawmakers there are more effective methods for helping students than ABA, but that schools lack the resources to use them. She鈥檚 now an occupational therapist, but as a teenager in the late 1990s, she was hired by a family that was implementing the Lovaas Method in their home with their nonverbal 4-year-old.

For 10 months, three days a week after school, Trott said in an interview with 社区黑料, she would sit with the boy and perform what are known in ABA as 鈥渄iscrete trials鈥� 鈥� repetitive drills of tasks like making eye contact or copying a structure made of blocks. She rewarded his compliance with a fruit snack or a cartoon break.

鈥淎fter a couple of months of working with me, when I would show up at the door, he would cry and run away,鈥� says Trott. 鈥淗e made no progress.鈥� 

In hindsight, what she thinks the family really needed was respite care. 鈥淎t the end, I felt more like I was there supporting the mom,鈥�  she recalls. 鈥淚 would stay and she would tell me things. She was sad and frustrated.鈥�        

That experience was a catalyst. In search of solutions, Trott went on to earn a master’s degree in special education and then two degrees in occupational therapy. When she was training, she shadowed a veteran OT, as the specialists are typically referred to in schools. 

They drove to several small gyms, where the experienced OT stood alongside kids doing simple gymnastics, talking to them about what they were doing. 

鈥淔or the first time, I saw nonverbal kids having fun,鈥� says Trott. 鈥淎nd I felt something about what I was seeing.鈥� 

All people regulate their emotions or nervous systems by what鈥檚 known as 鈥渟timming鈥� 鈥� making repetitive motions or noises. In contrast to things neurotypical people do unconsciously, like twisting a strand of hair, autistic peoples鈥� stims can be dramatic, such as pacing or rocking. Schools and therapists often attempt to stop stims.  

Occupational therapy鈥檚 descriptions of this are much closer to Piril盲鈥檚 ideas about the nervous system than to ABA鈥檚 concepts. Proprioceptive input 鈥� what OT refers to as 鈥渉eavy work,鈥� like jumping or other activities that engage muscles 鈥�  calms nerves and enables self-regulation. Vestibular input 鈥� sensory information the brain receives from the inner ear when a person swings or spins, among other motions 鈥� facilitates balance and movement.

If schools taught children about their nervous systems, lots of students鈥� needs would be met, not just the autistic kids鈥�, Trott believes: 鈥淚f we had a special ed teacher for every grade level and we had an OT for every campus, schools could look very different.鈥�

A 74 analysis of Medicaid billing claims revealed that spending on ABA just for children with this public, safety net healthcare now totals $2 billion a year. If that money were added to schools鈥� annual budgets, every district in the country could add one full time and one half-time occupational therapist. 

Neurodiversity training goes only so far

One of the first things Boulder Valley leaders did with the input from its Autism Advisory Team was to put together mandatory neurodiversity training for every staff member in the district. 

In a departure from typical practice, a training video was created using input from community members, says Michelle Brenner, director of special education for the district. Two of the four presenters in the video are autistic. Trainers emphasize that understanding what it means to be neurodiversity-affirming is good for everyone. 

The with a discussion of fight-or-flight and other autistic behaviors, which appear when a student feels physically unsafe or 鈥� something that is much harder for a neurotypical person to anticipate 鈥� socially unsafe.

鈥淲hen a student engages in those behaviors, often they are trying to tell us, 鈥業 feel unsafe all the time,鈥� 鈥� explains a speech-language pathologist. 鈥淭hat is the autistic experience.鈥� 

Then, an autistic high school teacher, Wren Roberts, describes what it is like to go through life in a state of hyperarousal. Indeed, she confesses that she feels unsafe talking on camera. 

鈥淚 have spent my entire life learning to hide it,鈥� she explains. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 called masking.鈥� 

Just as existing with a continually activated nervous system causes mental health issues, she notes that autistic people who mask experience high rates of depression, anxiety, insomnia and suicidal ideation.  

Up next in the video, an autistic man who volunteers in a district afterschool program outlines how a neurotypical person can figure out whether a student is feeling unsafe, and why. Finally, a high school teacher reminds the audience that while this cycle is often pronounced for autists, 鈥淥ther students are likely feeling the same way.鈥� 

As progressive as this seems compared with most other districts鈥� approaches, the mandatory training was relatively simple, says Shannon Gamble, Boulder Valley鈥檚 director of multi-tiered systems of support. Her specialty is differing strategies that are used to help students struggling with literacy or other skills.  

District leaders have created an internal data dashboard tracking how often students are restrained, how many are restrained repeatedly, whether teachers and therapists have looked for the 鈥渞oot causes鈥� of repeated problems and other indications that changes are being implemented and whether they are working. 

The training is a start, Gamble says. 鈥淎 big part of what needs to shift is mindset and understanding, and the way that we view each other and our students.鈥� 

Some families want their children to continue to receive ABA in school. But to others, who continue to push against it, the pace of change can feel glacial, they say.

鈥淥ur families come in and they’re like, ‘All right, why don’t you just go tell people to do this thing?’ ” says Gamble. “There’s things we can do right away. We can change [the language on] a form, right?鈥�  

Altering mindsets is a longer-term proposition, she continues: 鈥淚t’s going to take more than us just telling people what to do 鈥� especially things like neurodiversity, where many of our educators were taught in a way that maybe is not what our neurodiversity philosophy is telling them we believe.鈥�

Because district leaders had invested in what they thought was the best intervention for students, a number of the people leading its special education efforts hold some of ABA鈥檚 highest credentials. The persistence of their beliefs is visible in district materials.  

For example, families point to an educator training created more than a year after adoption of the neurodiversity policy that makes numerous rewards-and-consequences recommendations even as it acknowledges trauma鈥檚 role in children鈥檚 behavior. Forms distributed to classroom aides have grids for charting ABA interventions.    

A outlining the neurodiversity policy and resources also links to that outlines Boulder Valley’s ABA strategies: 鈥淭he behavior analyst is responsible for the implementation of skill acquisition and behavior support strategies aligned with current best practices from the field of applied behavior analysis (ABA) as well as responsibilities and duties within the school special education collaborative team.鈥�

Restraint and seclusion

In 2022, the U.S. Department of Education to avoid restraining and isolating students with disabilities unless a child鈥檚 behavior poses 鈥渋mminent danger of serious physical harm to themselves or others.鈥� Not only are the practices dangerous and abusive, it said, but there is no evidence they help modify disability-related behaviors. 

They are also discriminatory, the agency warned. Students with disabilities are three times more likely to be physically restrained or confined than their non-disabled classmates. Often, they face discipline because they lack proper services. 

In practice, however, it is devilishly difficult to get schools to move away from restraint and seclusion. Over the last couple of years, in several states that of even just preschoolers and early elementary age children, education administrators have lobbied statehouses to repeal the bans.  

Disability advocates push back, saying schools need to do more to support educators who are left without effective alternatives. As a result, when seclusion is prohibited, schools often simply rebrand the spaces where children are confined as time-out rooms. 

How does Boulder Valley stack up? 

Brenner and Gamble say the district鈥檚 internal data shows small improvements since the adoption of the neurodiversity policy, including a 鈥渟light reduction鈥� in the number of autistic students who are repeatedly restrained and secluded and a dramatic drop in the number subjected to formal threat evaluations under Colorado鈥檚 school safety protocol.

But in terms of collecting data on restraint, Colorado鈥檚 history is tangled. The state鈥檚 first restrictions on when a child could be physically controlled were intended to address solitary confinement and punishment in juvenile detention centers. 

The practices were supposed to be rare in schools, but the state didn鈥檛 collect any data that would allow it to measure compliance. In 2022, the Colorado General Assembly passed a law requiring districts to begin reporting by the end of the 2024 school year. 

It did not, however, address seclusion as a specific form of restraint 鈥� which all but a handful of districts interpreted as a mandate to report only episodes when a child was physically or mechanically controlled. Legislators rejected a 2025 attempt to clarify the law.

For the 2024-25 academic year, Boulder Valley told the state it physically restrained just 42 students. It did, however, of 鈥渄etrimental behavior鈥� 鈥� conduct that has a negative impact on the welfare or safety of other students or staff 鈥斅燼mong children with disabilities. Students with IEPs make up 15% of the district鈥檚 student body, but comprise one-third of those disciplined.听

While ABA practitioners鈥� stances vary, they often don鈥檛 think they are restraining a child but rather 鈥� much as took place in Piril盲鈥檚 basement 鈥� believe they are engaging in a therapeutic strategy that is to the child鈥檚 benefit.   

In 2010, the Association for Behavior Analysis International opposing 鈥渋nappropriate鈥� restraint and seclusion but supporting the interventions when used by practitioners as part of a formal plan: 鈥淲hen used in the context of a behavior intervention plan, restraint in some cases serves both a protective and a therapeutic function. These procedures can reduce risks of injury and can facilitate learning opportunities that support appropriate behavior.鈥�

In May 2025, 社区黑料 reported that the Arizona Autism Charter Schools 鈥� a network of ABA schools whose founder was chosen by President Donald Trump to oversee special education 鈥� restrained and secluded students at unusually high rates even though state law restricted the practice to emergencies.    

Often, when autistic children are sent to 鈥渂lue zones鈥� or 鈥渃ool-down corners,鈥� schools fail to see and report it as seclusion. The distinction that鈥檚 lost: a space students can retreat to of their own volition when overwhelmed 鈥� and leave when calmer 鈥� is different from seclusion.

The fact that the district has adopted a neurodiversity policy but also proclaims ABA will remain in place infuriates Piril盲. If you ask her, there鈥檚 no reason state and local officials can鈥檛 do their own version of her analysis of which strategies contributed to P鈥檚 dysregulation and which enabled him to stay calm and engaged. They鈥檙e just choosing not to.  

‘The most important message’

One of the first things Jenny Thamer did as co-chair of the Autism Advisory Team 鈥� a role she played for two years before moving on 鈥� was to send out a second survey, consisting of a single, open-ended question: 鈥淧lease tell us the most important message(s) you or your child want educators to know.鈥�

The replies were consistent: 

鈥淚t is our job as adults to figure out why [kids] are not doing well. Children should never be left to figure it out on their own.鈥�

鈥淢y child does not need to make eye contact to be listening. He is not avoiding instruction by not making eye contact.鈥�

鈥淢y child may look fine on the outside to you, but inside they are almost paralyzed with anxiety.鈥� 

鈥淢y child may communicate differently, but that doesn鈥檛 mean he doesn鈥檛 want to be involved.鈥�

Anderson, the superintendent, says he鈥檚 committed to fully implementing the district’s neurodiversity policy. True recognition of the array of ways in which people experience Boulder Valley鈥檚 schools will benefit every student and educator, he says, autistic or not.   

鈥淭he idea that we understand the challenge and the needs of a neurodiverse community, and that we are locking arms to meet those needs, that鈥檚 good for all kids,鈥� he says.    

鈥淭his is really hard work. I鈥檓 not here to tell you we鈥檝e solved the problems. But these things aren鈥檛 hidden anymore. They鈥檙e not whispered.鈥�

After publication, the district provided data showing 42 students were physically restrained during the 2024-25 school year.

This investigation was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.

The coverage mandates these parents helped secure have driven hundreds- and even thousands-fold increases in Medicaid spending on ABA 鈥� an unproven, even harmful, behavior modification system that uses rewards and punishments to try to eliminate certain behaviors.

Over the last decade, the ready flow of cash has attracted private equity, a type of investment that purchases large shares of companies that are not publicly traded. Through cost cutting and other restructuring methods, these short-term investors try to boost revenue before selling the businesses for a profit. With scant state or federal oversight, they have also acquired nursing homes, facilities for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities, medical equipment providers and other healthcare industries that rely on taxpayer dollars to profit.      

Now, states 鈥� which put few regulatory guardrails on the ABA industry, on private equity鈥檚 role in healthcare in general or on Medicaid reimbursement 鈥� are cracking down. Even before a series of damning federal commissioned by the Biden administration were released in recent months, lawmakers and health officials have proposed capping the amount of ABA an individual child can receive and how much providers can bill, as well as imposing standards on clinics and therapists. 

As states have revisited Medicaid reimbursement rates and other policies that impact providers鈥� financial bottom lines, two types of ABA-related debates have played out in statehouses. One involves the ABA industry鈥檚 entrance into state-level political spending; the other, efforts by providers and caregivers to require public schools to allow the therapist of a family鈥檚 choosing to accompany their student to class.  

The start of statehouse spending 

Individual state legislative races are relatively cheap to influence. While parents have long packed hearing rooms to testify against threatened cuts to autism services, in recent years some of the industry鈥檚 largest, private equity-owned ABA providers have begun making campaign donations to candidates for state-level office who could sway legislation on ABA oversight, Medicaid reimbursement rates, whether private autism therapists should be allowed in schools and other laws that impact providers鈥� profits.  

Lobbying and campaign finance reporting requirements vary widely from state to state. Using records compiled by the political spending watchdog group Open Secrets, 社区黑料 was able to identify instances when ABA lobbyists donated to state-level campaigns around the country at consequential moments, to benefit the companies the lobbyists represented. 

In 2022, Florida lawmakers passed a law allowing behavior technicians from private, for-profit ABA centers to accompany kids to school 鈥� opening a new and potentially lucrative market. While reimbursement rates vary by state, private ABA centers typically bill insurers for behavior technicians鈥� time at $50 to $100 an hour. Special education classroom aides employed by public schools, in comparison, frequently make about $25 an hour.  

Campaign contributions made that year by two of ABA鈥檚 largest private equity-owned concerns, Hopebridge Autism Therapy Centers and Acorn Health, would barely cover a lobbyist鈥檚 bar tab at a Washington, D.C., watering hole. 

Hopebridge Autism Therapy gave a total of $10,000 to nine incumbent lawmakers and one challenger. Acorn Health gave $7,500 to the state House Republican Campaign Committee and $3,333 to the Florida Republican Party. 

It was a small expense for two of the country’s largest autism therapy companies, which between 2019 and 2024 brought in almost $200 million 鈥� nearly $134 million for Hopebridge and more than $63 million for Acorn, according to a 74 analysis of Medicaid ABA billing records. 

The largest company by Medicaid revenue, Centria Healthcare, was paid more than $400 million between 2019 and 2024, according to 社区黑料鈥檚 analysis. The company spent almost $200,000 in Oregon and Indiana in three election cycles: 2020, 2022 and 2024. 

In 2024 in Indiana, where a federal audit would soon find up to $133 million in improper Medicaid ABA claims from multiple providers, sparking caps and cuts, Centria gave $25,000 to gubernatorial candidate Michael Braun.

As governor, Braun created a state applied behavior analysis to consider ways to rein in costs while continuing to serve autistic children. The group鈥檚 membership is dominated by ABA practitioners.

In Oregon, the company gave former Rep. Dan Rayfield $55,000 during his last two terms as House speaker, followed by $25,000 for his successful 2024 run for attorney general. The state House Democratic Campaign committee received $50,000, while 13 other lawmakers got contributions of $1,000 to $10,000.

On the table: A to expand the state鈥檚 private insurance autism therapy mandate until 2030 and a to extend Oregon鈥檚 ABA mandate to conditions other than autism, such as intellectual and developmental disabilities 鈥� potentially opening significant new markets. The law mandating continued coverage of autism treatment was enacted.

The bill to expand the disability categories for which ABA practitioners can be reimbursed faced significant pushback. Testimony submitted to lawmakers included of research on the therapy鈥檚 effectiveness for conditions other than autism, such as Down syndrome, cerebral palsy and epilepsy. It concluded the evidence is thin. The measure is still pending in the state House. 

Facing Medicaid rate cuts, Utah Behavior Services (now known as Bridgeway Integrated Healthcare Services) 鈥� with Medicaid revenue of some $196 million, according to 社区黑料鈥檚 dataset 鈥� spent some $41,000 to influence 21 contests, including state auditor. Action Behavior Centers, which collected $1.7 million in reimbursements between 2021 and 2024, spent $2,500 .  

Must schools allow private ABA in classrooms?

Special education law requires schools to provide 鈥渕edically necessary鈥� services to children whose ability to attend school and learn depends on them. For the most part, school districts can pass these costs along to Medicaid or another public healthcare plan, or to a family鈥檚 private insurer.   

Commonly cited examples are children who need a nurse to manage their airway or feeding tube, or have a condition that requires physical therapy. Historically, ABA has not been recognized as a medically necessary service. Schools typically try to meet students鈥� behavioral and communications needs in other ways.    

In 2022, two Colorado lawmakers introduced a bill to require school districts to enshrine autism therapy as medically necessary. Administrators from the Colorado Consortium of Directors of Special Education, the Englewood and Cherry Creek school districts and others expressed concern with the bill. 

They would be liable for the in-school conduct of a technician they don鈥檛 employ, several of those commenting said. And, most practically problematic, schools would be legally responsible for figuring out how to make up the academic instruction that students would miss while engaging in therapy during the school day.

The General Assembly eventually passed a version of the bill not specifically addressing ABA. Instead, it requires districts to have policies outlining how they will address medically necessary services.  

Louisiana and Pennsylvania recently enacted laws saying schools must accept autism therapy technicians. The requirements are too new to assess results.

This investigation was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.

When the leaders of a new elementary school applied for a four-digit public school code from the Colorado Department of Education last summer, they didn鈥檛 mention a key detail: The school would be religious.

Instead, they said Riverstone Academy would offer traditional academics and trade-themed electives. But education department officials soon learned that the 30-student school in Pueblo County would also be run by a Christian group and use some Christian curriculum.

Several department employees raised red flags internally and escalated the issue to state lawyers, according to emails obtained by Chalkbeat through a public records request. Still, Riverstone got its school code, and the department didn鈥檛 confront the school鈥檚 authorizer until months later, after the group鈥檚 director publicly announced that

That鈥檚 when the department cited the Colorado constitution鈥檚 ban on teaching religious tenets in public schools and warned that Riverstone students . But that didn鈥檛 stop hundreds of thousands of dollars from flowing to the school last year.

A department spokesperson told Chalkbeat that the state legislature hasn鈥檛 given the department 鈥渁ny clear authority鈥� to enforce the state constitution鈥檚 ban on religious public schools or the Establishment Clause in the U.S. Constitution鈥檚 First Amendment. The clause prohibits the government from endorsing any religion.

鈥淐ompliance with the First Amendment has historically been enforced through the courts, not by state agencies,鈥� Colorado Department of Education Chief External Relations Officer Emma Garrett-Nelson said in an email.

Riverstone鈥檚 story shows Colorado lacks any clear procedure to keep religious schools out of the public school ecosystem. The school , but not because it was religious. Instead, state lawmakers on the group that authorized it.

As conservative activists around the country chip away at church-state separation in education, that leaves a key question unanswered: Can Colorado stop a religious school from being recognized and funded as a public school?

Steven Green, a law professor at Willamette University who specializes in church-state issues, said that state officials could have and should have stopped Riverstone from opening. He disagreed with the idea that enforcing the state constitution is an issue for the courts and not state agencies.

鈥淎s a state official, however far down it is, they鈥檙e still bound by the Constitution,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not that you wait till litigation occurs.鈥�

Department staff raise questions about Riverstone

Chalkbeat reviewed scores of emails exchanged among more than two dozen Colorado Department of Education employees over two weeks last summer as they pondered whether to give Riverstone a public school code, which is required for data-tracking purposes.

Riverstone鈥檚 school code application arrived June 27, 2025. It was shared with more than a dozen members of a committee that reviews such requests.

On July 2, Jessica Tribbett, a data specialist for the department, emailed committee members that the Christian contractor that would run Riverstone, Forging Education, 鈥渙perates a network of private school campuses committed to academic excellence and spiritual formation.鈥�

Janyce Skalla, a senior policy consultant in the department鈥檚 schools of choice unit, replied, saying that Riverstone鈥檚 website mentioned faith-based science and social studies curriculums, Masterbooks and Berean Builders.

鈥淭he school claims to be public but has some private school elements that are worth flagging,鈥� she wrote.

That afternoon Tribbett emailed four higher-level department employees. She wrote that an internet search revealed that Riverstone would offer 鈥渁 faith-based education鈥� and should be assigned a private school code instead of a public school one.

鈥淎re there guidelines or legislation stating that faith-based curriculum cannot be used if accepting public funding?鈥� Tribbett wrote.

One of the recipients, DJ Loerzel, executive director of data operations, emailed another group of department leaders the next morning.

鈥淭his is the first time we encountered a situation like this,鈥� he wrote. 鈥淎re there specific statutes/policies noting public funds for schools that potentially have a religious curriculum?鈥�

A lawyer meeting, then a decision

By the time the July 4 holiday weekend started, emails show employees from across the education department had been looped into the Riverstone conversation, including executive directors, managers, policy advisors, and an assistant commissioner.

The next step was a meeting with Joe Peters, an assistant state attorney general.

On July 8, after Tribbett and a few others met with Peters, Tribbett sent a brief email to seven higher-ups indicating a decision had been made.

Two days later, Riverstone got its code: 7294.

Ken Haptonstall, who heads the Colorado BOCES Association, a group for public education co-ops like the one that started Riverstone, said a school code provides a kind of legitimacy.

鈥淭o me, once you give a school code, it鈥檚 almost like you鈥檙e giving permission in a way,鈥� he said.

It鈥檚 not clear from the public records what legal advice the assistant attorney general gave the education department. The department withheld some emails from Chalkbeat based on attorney-client privilege.

A spokesperson for the Colorado Attorney General鈥檚 office declined to answer questions about whether state law gives the education department the power to prevent a public religious school from opening.

Garrett-Nelson, the education department spokesperson, described the school code review committee鈥檚 job as an administrative process and said it wasn鈥檛 the place to 鈥渓itigate this important issue.鈥�

鈥淏ased on the current U.S. Supreme Court caselaw, the department likely would have lost a lawsuit challenging the denial of a school code solely based on the religious status鈥� of Forging Education, Riverstone鈥檚 contractor, she wrote in an email.

A said government benefits can鈥檛 be withheld from an organization solely because of its religious status.

But department employees knew more than Forging Education鈥檚 religious affiliation. They knew the school planned to teach students using two different Christian curriculums.

Asked why that didn鈥檛 allow the department to take action, Garrett-Nelson said, 鈥淲e were working closely with our legal counsel as more information was coming to light. Due to the high-stakes nature of litigation in this area, we wanted to ensure we were on stable ground before actively questioning the use of public funds on religious instruction.鈥�

Green, the Willamette law professor, likened the approach to an ostrich putting its head in the sand, particularly because conservative legal groups have consistently pushed for publicly funded religious education in recent years.

鈥淔or any knowledgeable assistant attorney general to think, oh, if we give them just a little bit, or maybe it won鈥檛 manifest itself in the way we think it will 鈥� or maybe it will just go away, that鈥檚 pie in the sky.鈥�

A delayed confrontation

State education leaders confronted Riverstone鈥檚 authorizer 鈥� Education reEnvisioned Board of Cooperative Educational Services, or ERBOCES 鈥� in October, three months after the school code decision and two months after Riverstone opened.

They鈥檇 already begun getting questions as word of the school spread, emails obtained through a public records request show. In early October, Scott Smith, the chief financial and operating officer for the Cherry Creek School District, sent screenshots of Riverstone鈥檚 website to two top department officials and said, 鈥淚鈥檓 wondering how this school can qualify for public funds?鈥�

The department 鈥� the day after Ken Witt, the executive director of ERBOCES, called Riverstone 鈥淐olorado鈥檚 first public Christian school.鈥�

Jennifer Okes, district operations special advisor, wrote to Witt, saying the department 鈥渞ecently became aware鈥� of the school鈥檚 opening. She said that public schools are 鈥� meaning non-religious 鈥� and that Riverstone students might not be eligible for public funding.

In the weeks following Witt鈥檚 headline-making announcement, department officials didn鈥檛 acknowledge they鈥檇 known that Riverstone would be a religious school from the start and that its school code had sparked a dayslong debate.

When Chalkbeat asked in late October whether a school that was clearly religious would be given a school code, department spokesperson Jeremy Meyer said by email, 鈥淚f that hypothetical event were to occur, we would consult with our legal counsel on the appropriate course of action.鈥�

A threat, but no action

Department officials never cracked down on Riverstone.

In January, they selected , a lengthy process the department鈥檚 earlier letter had implied might provide them ammunition for withholding Riverstone鈥檚 funding.

But in February 鈥� the same day Riverstone and ERBOCES filed a religious liberty lawsuit against the state 鈥� department officials sent a letter to Witt saying the department鈥檚 audit wouldn鈥檛 consider religion.

Garrett-Nelson said the department changed course because religion wasn鈥檛 mentioned in its audit guide, which is a set of instructions for school districts. Officials 鈥渄ecided not to rely on this untested approach to claw back funding鈥� because it would have 鈥渓ed straight back into the heart of the litigation risk,鈥� she said.

Today, Riverstone is closed for good, the, and ERBOCES no longer has the power to . But it remains unclear if the education department can or will stop a religious public school, either through bureaucratic steps on the front end or the power of the purse on the back end.

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Like millions of young athletes nationwide, I have played sports since I was 4 years old. Soccer has been a big part of my life for as long as I can remember. Sports have taught me to show up, work hard and keep going even when things are not easy. What they didn’t teach me was that brain injuries don’t always show up as physical symptoms.

Today’s concussion conversation focuses heavily on when athletes can return to play. It spends far less time preparing families for what can happen emotionally after a concussion. Parents are taught to watch for headaches and dizziness. Coaches are trained to recognize physical symptoms. Athletes are evaluated before returning to play. But when it comes to mental health, student-athletes are often left to navigate that part of recovery with little awareness and far less support.

For my family, this isn’t an abstract policy debate. My older sister, Alyssa Peterson, died at age 13 during a mental health crisis after experiencing multiple concussions starting in 2017. In the years that followed, I watched my family search for answers as we learned more about the emerging science surrounding concussions and mental health. What we discovered was not certainty about every question, but growing evidence that concussion recovery also requires paying attention to mental health.

That evidence led us to advocate for Alyssa’s Youth Concussion and Mental Health Protection Act () in Colorado, which expanded concussion education to include mental health awareness. The goal was simple: to help ensure coaches and families know what to watch for so young athletes can get support when they need it.

Following speaking at a legislative hearing on Alyssa’s Act, I remember rushing to soccer practice. It felt strange to go from talking with lawmakers about something so personal to worrying about drills and practice like any other day. I looked at my coaches and teammates and wondered if they knew to watch for mental health changes after a concussion. If one of us began struggling emotionally after a head injury, would anyone recognize it?

I watched my mom sit for six hours waiting to testify at a second hearing. I knew I was going to miss soccer practice, which meant I would likely miss playing in my next game. But the effort mattered because families deserve better information about the possible mental health effects of concussions.

Then Alyssa’s Act passed this May. Colorado became the first state to require that mental health be included in concussion education. But the conversation shouldn’t be limited to Colorado.

It’s time we stop treating mental health as an afterthought in concussion recovery. Most families simply don’t know that concussions can also lead to changes in mood, anxiety, depression, irritability and social withdrawal. These changes can easily be dismissed as hormones, stress, or simply being a teenager. But sometimes they deserve much closer attention.

Researchers have been warning about this for years. A published in the Journal of Adolescent Health found that, among more than 36,000 adolescents, teens with a history of concussion had more than three times the odds of having a depression diagnosis compared with those without a concussion. A published in the British Journal of Sports Medicine found that children and adolescents who experience concussions are at increased risk for later mental health difficulties. The on Concussion in Sport emphasizes monitoring athletes for mental health symptoms during recovery.

While researchers debate what repeated heading may mean, we should make sure families understand what to watch for today. Parents should know that changes in mood and behavior can be just as important to recognize as headaches or dizziness. Coaches should understand that athlete well-being includes both physical and mental health. Schools should prepare families for both. Young athletes should know that seeking help is a sign of strength, not weakness.

As a high school athlete, I am grateful that conversations about concussion awareness are growing. My hope is that those conversations continue to expand so that mental health is part of the discussion from the beginning, not something families discover only after they are struggling.

Protecting athletes and supporting sports participation are not competing goals. Better information makes sports safer and stronger. 

What I want adults to understand is simple: Brain health and mental health are not separate conversations. We don鈥檛 have to wait for every scientific question to be answered before acting on what we know. Every family deserves to understand that concussion recovery includes paying attention to mental health. My hope is that more families and student-athletes like me understand that concussion recovery isn鈥檛 only about getting back in the game. 

Colorado became the first state to expand concussion education to include mental health awareness. It shouldn’t be the last. 

My sister can’t benefit from what we know today. The next family can. With the World Cup bringing attention to soccer, I hope we also pay attention to what young athletes need after a concussion: support for their mental health, not just a plan to return to play.

The school year starts again in less than a month, and a remarkable number of big districts in Colorado and elsewhere will open it without a permanent superintendent.

Jeffco. Cherry Creek. Los Angeles. Miami-Dade. I鈥檓 guessing Denver will soon join this group of districts given the Denver school board鈥檚 growing frustrations with Superintendent Alex Marrero鈥檚 top-down leadership, poor performance and his search for other jobs.

That鈥檚 a lot of empty chairs in a lot of big districts, and it got me wondering who鈥檚 going to fill them and whether the pipeline that used to fill them looks anything like it did 20 years ago.

My hunch going in was that running a large school district has gotten harder since the pandemic: more expected of schools on mental health and basic student support, more divisive politics around almost everything a board does. So I decided to check that hunch, with the help of Claude and Google.

These are not low-paying jobs. Tracy Dorland鈥檚 starting salary when Jeffco hired her in 2021 was $260,000, and comparable big-district contracts run higher still ($440,000 for Los Angeles’ starting salary plus benefits). Yet the number of applicants for these jobs seems to be dropping.

Jeffco鈥檚 applicant pool fell from 69 candidates in 2017 to 43 reviewed (only 23 of them formal applications) in 2021. Broward County, Florida, went from 39 applicants in 2021-22 to 26 in 2023, of whom just 15 were considered qualified. Charlotte-Mecklenburg dropped from roughly 52 applicants in 2017 to 37 to 39 in 2023.

And it鈥檚 not just the volume. Max McGee, a longtime superintendent search-firm president, wrote in AASA鈥檚 School Administrator magazine in 2023 that 鈥渋n most of our searches, applicants without previous experience outnumber those with experience by at least 3 to 1.鈥�

School boards aren鈥檛 just getting fewer r茅sum茅s. They鈥檙e getting fewer good ones.

The Council of the Great City Schools鈥� most recent survey puts average tenure at 2.72 years, which is close to where it stood in 2003 (2.80 years). But that flat-looking comparison hides a real story: Tenure climbed through the 2000s, peaking at 3.64 years in 2010, and has been sliding since. The same survey revealed something I found more telling: The predecessor of today鈥檚 average sitting superintendent had served 4.85 years, nearly double the 2.72 current superintendents have logged so far.

It鈥檚 worth remembering how differently this job used to be talked about. Rod Paige, U.S. secretary of education from 2001 to 2005 and Houston鈥檚 superintendent before that, said in April 2004: 鈥淥ur nation is crying out for leadership in education. We鈥檙e asking more from schools and asking for it more quickly,鈥� and, more bluntly, 鈥淚 believe that superintendents are the best agents for change and have a great opportunity at hand.鈥�

Eli Broad put it in CEO terms in his foundation鈥檚 annual report: 鈥淪uccess in any organization starts at the top. With responsibility for curriculum, instruction, facilities, finance, personnel, technology and community relations, school superintendents are chief executive officers of complex and demanding public sector enterprises.鈥�

Not long ago, the right superintendent, especially a non-traditional one, could land on the cover of Time, get regular New York Times coverage and pull in serious money from Gates, Walton, Broad and other foundations to remake a district. That鈥檚 a different world than the one Jeffco, Cherry Creek and Denver are hiring into right now.

I asked Claude to code the r茅sum茅s of every superintendent leading the 20 largest U.S. school districts in 2006, 2011, 2016, 2021 and today. Four traits got tracked for each person: whether they climbed the conventional teacher-to-principal-to-central-office ladder (鈥渢raditional鈥�) or skipped it (鈥渘on-traditional鈥�); whether they鈥檇 led anything outside K-12 education at any point (a company, a law practice, a military command, an elected office); whether their undergraduate degree was in education or something else; and whether that degree came from a conservatively defined selective institution.

The headline finding is a real decline in non-traditional hiring. Non-traditional pathways held flat at 20% from 2006 through 2016, eased to 15% by 2021, then dropped to 5% today. Outside leadership experience climbed after 2006, peaked at 40% in 2011, held around 30% through 2016 and 2021, and fell to 10% in the last few years.

None of that happened by accident. The Broad Superintendents Academy, launched in 2002, set out explicitly to recruit business, law and military leaders into big-city superintendencies, and by 2009-11 its alumni filled 43% to 48% of those, echoing the peak of Claude’s analysis.

All this was also reinforced with federal investments to improve big school districts, whether through programs like Race to the Top or philanthropic investments in school district reform and improvement.

Broad wound down its placement program in 2019, folding it into Yale with a $100 million gift and no distinct K-12 placement pipeline surviving after that. A recent conversation with the current Broad class from Yale found no non-traditional participants.

In summary, the infrastructure that created a broader pipeline for superintendents has been dismantled over the last decade.

A recent study by a team of Stanford researchers on the impact of Broad-trained superintendents showed they had fewer years as superintendents than traditional candidates and no impact on student achievement, but increased charter school enrollment.

Tom Boasberg鈥檚 nearly decade at Denver Public Schools is probably the most-studied case in the state: The district鈥檚 graduation rate rose from 39% in 2007 to 71% in 2019. Enrollment grew by more than 14,000 students at a time most urban districts were shrinking, and an independent comparison-group study found that two years of the district’s reforms produced achievement gains roughly equivalent to six months to two years of additional schooling.

Mike Miles in Houston shows the same tension in miniature, on a faster timeline. Standardized test score gains under his state-appointed leadership are real. But Texas Monthly reported that at least some of that improvement came from restructuring course access, delaying biology until 10th grade and narrowing algebra access. The article quoted a testing coordinator warning that the tactic can 鈥渋ncrease your scores 鈥� at the cost of advanced academics.鈥� It鈥檚 still too early to assess the impact of Miles’ changes in Houston

And then there鈥檚 Roy Romer, the former Colorado governor who ran the Los Angeles district from 2000 to 2006 鈥� proof this pattern isn鈥檛 new. Romer鈥檚 district saw several years of real, sustained gains in reading on both state and national tests, driven by an enormous investment in teacher training. A governor with real political skill produced real gains and then hit a wall, 20 years before Denver, Houston and Chicago would each rediscover some version of the same ceiling.

Regardless of the superintendent鈥檚 background, leadership skills and management training, improving a big, complicated school district is enormously challenging.

So what are school boards supposed to do heading into a 2026 search?

They are going to have to dig deeper and work harder to get great district leaders. They will need to look closely at their own bench and will probably be limited to a pool of traditional district candidates.

With the lack of an outside pipeline and a smaller applicant pool, the job of finding the right person to improve the district is harder than it has ever been.

Here鈥檚 hoping a new generation of philanthropists and national policy leaders will rediscover what Paige and Broad were saying 20 years ago: Great public schools need serious leadership at the top, and the job is worth investing in again. Regardless of whether your preference is for traditional or non-traditional backgrounds for big-district leaders, we will need more effective superintendents and an ecosystem that supports wider and better pipelines for these critical seats.

Until then, Colorado and other school boards are going to have to do the hard, difficult work of finding a leader who can drive district improvement. Choosing and managing the superintendent is the important job of a school board, and it鈥檚 harder than ever today.

A version of this essay appeared on , an independent blog covering public education in Colorado, with a particular focus on Denver Public Schools.

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A controversial 鈥減ublic Christian school鈥� in southern Colorado has closed permanently after changes in Colorado law cut off state funding, its executive director wrote in a legal filing.

Backers opened the 30-student Riverstone Academy in Pueblo County nine months ago with hopes of sparking a religious liberty lawsuit that would go all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Instead, the school faced setbacks 鈥� including that forced it to move and with the parents of a young student 鈥� and the legal effort fizzled.

Citing the new provisions in state law, Riverstone Executive Director Quin Friberg wrote in a legal document that the school鈥檚 efforts 鈥渨ill be directed to winding up its operations and shutting down鈥� after the last day of school last week.

The filing signed by Friberg on Thursday is against the Pueblo 70 school board alleging open meetings violations related to Riverstone鈥檚 launch.

鈥� the one backers hoped would go to the Supreme Court 鈥� came in February when Riverstone and its authorizer sued the state for religious discrimination, citing the possibility that the state could eventually claw back the school鈥檚 public funding.

Emails obtained by Chalkbeat show the school was created to spark such a lawsuit after the Supreme Court deadlocked on a last spring. The firm, Alliance Defending Freedom, asked an education lawyer named Brad Miller if he could 鈥渇ind a way for a parallel case to be initiated out of Colorado.鈥�

The case was short-lived. The school and its authorizer, a public education co-op based in Monument, .

The death knell for Riverstone was in the last few days of this spring鈥檚 legislative session. One bars co-ops like the one that authorized Riverstone from starting schools or programs outside their member school districts. The other bars school districts or co-ops from having brick and mortar schools that are entirely run by contractors.

The new limits effectively put Riverstone鈥檚 authorizer 鈥� Education reEnvisioned Board of Cooperative Educational Services or ERBOCES 鈥� at odds with state law, making Riverstone ineligible for state funding. That鈥檚 because Riverstone is located outside of ERBOCES鈥� two member school districts and is run by a contractor.

Riverstone opened quietly last summer in a former office in an industrial area in Pueblo County. It described itself as a public elementary school that offered a Christian foundation, but its religious affiliation wasn鈥檛 widely known until October. That鈥檚 when Ken Witt, the executive director of ERBOCES, that Riverstone was Colorado鈥檚 first public Christian school, surprising members of the public and some government officials.

The fallout included of Pueblo 70 school board member Anne Ochs after a district parent criticized her for her role in bringing Riverstone into the district and for failing to disclose a conflict of interest.

Friberg and Witt did not respond to requests for comment about Riverstone鈥檚 closure.

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Their bill, titled the , is being framed as a defense of public education. It is actually something else: a revealing glimpse into the mindset that is holding Democrats back.

A decade ago, Democrats were more willing to challenge the status quo. On education, they pushed for higher standards, greater accountability and new models like charter schools. They believed public education wasn鈥檛 just something to defend, but something to improve. They were willing to take on districts that weren鈥檛 delivering for students, even when it meant challenging teachers unions.

That spirit is hard to find today. 

The federal scholarship tax credit program, enacted last year, lets states direct federal dollars 鈥� potentially billions 鈥� to a wide range of student needs, including tutoring, afterschool programs, transportation and services for kids with disabilities. In states that opt in, families have the choice to use these scholarships to fill the gaps in their children’s education.听

That is something denied to states that opt out. And yet, the majority of Democrats in the Senate are trying to repeal the program 鈥� not because those uses fall outside their priorities, but because the funding flows outside traditional public school systems. 

Even though the tax credit program would provide significant new resources to advance priorities Democrats themselves have championed, its support for private school scholarships crosses a line in the sand for them. To most families, turning down new funding for students doesn鈥檛 make sense. But for Democrats, it follows a clear chain of logic, one that prioritizes the preservation of existing school systems over students鈥� needs, defers to the interests of teachers unions and applies ideological purity tests that treat any nontraditional learning environment as a threat.听

That way of thinking carries real consequences, especially at a moment when students need more support, not less.

The country is in the midst of a decade-long education depression, one marked by historic learning loss, widening achievement gaps and growing disengagement. Families see it, educators feel it and districts, facing acute financial strain, struggle to meet students鈥� needs.

For years, many on the left have that the United States always finds money for other priorities but refuses to invest meaningfully in education. President Donald Trump’s proposed record-breaking $1.5 trillion defense budget underscores the point. But for the first time in a long while, there is also, finally, new money for education. And Democrats want to turn these dollars away.听

That choice is even harder to justify when you consider the broader fiscal reality. The federal government has run deficits for more than two decades; if lawmakers are going to keep borrowing against the future, the least they can do is invest in the generation who will inherit their debt.

Democrats鈥� reflexive opposition to the tax credit program reveals how much their policy imagination has narrowed, leaving them unable to see how it helps their constituents and advances their priorities. Some of their critiques are substantive: Questions about accountability, oversight and whether private school scholarships are subject to the same civil rights protections as traditional public schools deserve serious answers. But those are arguments for getting in the room and shaping the program, not walking away. Repealing the program would only ensure that the students who need those dollars most 鈥� low- and middle-income families, children with disabilities, communities of color 鈥� would end up with nothing. Democrats should be fighting to make this program work for those families, not fighting to take it off the table. 

Democrats long held a clear advantage over Republicans on education. That advantage has in recent years as voters have grown more skeptical that the party is delivering results. Trying to repeal the tax credit program will only make matters worse.

Polling across multiple states shows strong support for participation in the scholarship tax credit program, including among Democratic voters. In many cases, support approaches or exceeds , particularly among working-class families and families of color.

What some Democratic politicians see as an unacceptable departure from orthodoxy, many families see as a practical way to get their children the help they need. At some point, the gap between how policymakers view the issue and how families experience it demands a reckoning. Democrats should focus less on defending what exists and more on exploring what could be. 

When Colorado鈥檚 Jared Polis became the first Democratic governor to announce that his state would opt into the scholarship tax credit program, he framed it perfectly: 鈥淸I]t鈥檚 only our own creativity that can hold us back. Anything we can envision, this is a very powerful funding mechanism.鈥� He called the decision a 鈥渘o-brainer鈥� and said he 鈥渨ould be crazy not to鈥� participate.

That is the mindset Democrats need right now. Not a defensive posture, but an expansive one 鈥� grounded not in scarcity, but in abundance. 

An starts from the premise that the goal is an educated public, not the preservation of any particular school model or the adults employed within it. It recognizes that public funding can support a wide range of tools, strategies and approaches, so long as they serve students well. And it invites educators, families and policymakers to imagine different ways of organizing learning, rather than assuming the century-old model designed for an industrial economy is the only one capable of serving today’s students.

The tax credit program is not a cure-all, but it is a meaningful new investment. At a moment of real need, real disruption and real opportunity, Democrats should not be narrowing the conversation. They should be expanding it.

was originally reported by Kate Sosin of .听

The Supreme Court ruled 8-1 Tuesday that a Colorado ban on conversion therapy for youth violates the free speech rights of a Christian counselor, clearing the way for a practice that goes against the recommendations of every major medical association in the country.

Human Rights Campaign President Kelley Robinson .

鈥淭oday鈥檚 reckless decision means more American kids will suffer,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he Court has weaponized free-speech in order to prioritize anti-LGBTQ+ bias over the safety, health and wellbeing of children.鈥�

Conversion therapy is a in which providers attempt to change a youth鈥檚 sexual orientation or gender identity, often through extremely harsh methods including acts of physical, psychological and sexual abuse against minors 鈥� , chemically induced nausea and hypnosis, among others.

The and recommended it be banned.听 Twenty-three states and Washington, D.C., have laws banning conversion therapy for minors.

The decision comes on , a global day celebrating transgender lives and culture every March 31.

Some LGBTQ+ advocates note that while the ruling favors a discredited practice, it leaves most avenues of regulating conversion therapy untouched.

鈥淚 think the most important thing to understand about the decision today is that it only takes one way of regulating conversion therapy off the table,鈥� said Shannon Minter, legal director of the National Center for LGBTQ Rights.

Tuesday鈥檚 ruling throws out Colorado鈥檚 ban, but does not strike down bans in other states, which advocates feared could be a worst-case scenario. The case, Chiles v. Salazar, was brought by Christian counselor Kaley Chiles, who argued that the ban violated her free speech rights. Chiles says she only offers talk therapy and does not use physical interventions or prescribe medications.

The ruling does not declare conversion therapy safe or effective. It also leaves intact the ability of medical licensing boards鈥� to investigate conversion therapy practice as fraudulent.

Minter said in a statement that the ruling still leaves room to discipline providers in states where it is banned.

“This decision is narrowly about how conversion therapy can be regulated. It does not mean that conversion therapy is safe or legal. Conversion therapy is still medical malpractice and consumer fraud,” Minter said. “Every major medical organization in this country condemns it. Survivors can still bring malpractice and consumer fraud claims.鈥�

Writing for the majority, Justice Neil Gorsuch argued that Colorado鈥檚 law applies beyond 鈥減hysical interventions,鈥� and restricts free speech.

鈥淐olorado may regard its policy as essential to public health and safety. Certainly, censorious governments throughout history have believed the same,鈥� the opinion read. 鈥淏ut the First Amendment stands as a shield against any effort to enforce orthodoxy in thought or speech in this country. It reflects instead a judgment that every American possesses an inalienable right to think and speak freely, and a faith in the free marketplace of ideas as the best means for discovering truth.鈥�

The majority held that the right to free speech applies equally to licensed medical professionals as to all Americans.

As the lone dissent, argued that the majority 鈥渇ailed to appreciate the crucial context鈥� of Chiles鈥� case. 鈥淐hiles is not speaking in the ether; she is providing therapy to minors as a licensed healthcare professional,鈥� she wrote.

Neither side disputed Colorado鈥檚 authority to regulate medical treatments and providers or claimed that a state doing so is unconstitutional, she said.

鈥淪o, in my view, it cannot also be the case that Colorado鈥檚 decision to restrict a dangerous therapy modality that, incidentally, involves provider speech is presumptively unconstitutional,鈥� Jackson added. 鈥淚n concluding otherwise, the Court鈥檚 opinion misreads our precedents, is unprincipled and unworkable and will eventually prove untenable for those who rely upon the long-recognized responsibility of states to regulate the medical profession for the protection of public health.鈥�

This is the first of three LGBTQ+ blockbuster cases before the court this term. Two others, , were heard at the same time earlier this year.

Grace Panetta contributed reporting.

Six decades ago, Colorado lawmakers made it easier for school districts to band together and offer services that they couldn鈥檛 afford to provide on their own.

The creation of Boards of Cooperative Educational Services, or BOCES, allowed districts to pool resources for things like special education services, career and technical education, early intervention services, gifted and talented programming, and teacher training.

Last fall, one of these co-ops proved to be a useful vehicle for a different aim 鈥� opening a school intended to on religious education.

Education reEnvisioned, or ERBOCES, launched Riverstone Academy in Pueblo County with 30 elementary students in August. Billed as Colorado鈥檚 鈥渇irst public Christian school,鈥� it is the most prominent example of how its authorizer is using its BOCES status to further school choice.

The school 鈥� and ERBOCES鈥� recent role steering state dollars to home-schooling 鈥� is raising questions about whether these co-ops created in a different era for different purposes have too much latitude and too few guardrails.

The Colorado Department of Education鈥檚 enforcement powers are limited to certain areas, such as special education, a department spokesperson said. Most oversight falls to BOCES鈥� boards of directors, which can vary in how much or little they hold school operators accountable.

鈥淣obody in the state actually regulates how BOCES operate or what they can do,鈥� said Ken Haptonstall, co-executive director of the Colorado BOCES Association, a membership group for BOCES.

鈥淭here鈥檚 no statutory way for the department to be able to say, 鈥極h, you鈥檙e being bad as a BOCES or you need to do this as a BOCES,鈥欌�� he said.

Some lawmakers and education officials contacted by Chalkbeat said Riverstone鈥檚 creation shows school-authorizing safeguards failed 鈥� and creates a dangerous precedent.

George Welsh, executive director of the San Luis Valley BOCES, doesn鈥檛 agree with public funding for religious schools and said Riverstone鈥檚 launch by a BOCES creates a slippery slope.

鈥淥bviously, if one can do it, why couldn鈥檛 all?鈥� he said.

Riverstone is currently receiving state funding. But if a state audit underway now finds the school is ineligible because of Colorado鈥檚 ban on religious public school, the state could claw back the money. Riverstone and ERBOCES cited that possibility in this month for religious discrimination.

BOCES exist to pool district resources

A 1965 Colorado law allowed the creation of BOCES. A year later, 14 school districts in the San Luis Valley banded together to form the state鈥檚 first one. Most states have a version of the public education co-ops, though names and formats vary.

In Colorado, BOCES are typically made up of a group of school districts from a single region. About half include a college or university. The cooperatives are governed by a board of at least five people, usually school board members from districts that belong to the BOCES. In some cases, school district superintendents can serve on the BOCES board.

Five Colorado BOCES authorize schools. ERBOCES, unlike the other four, doesn鈥檛 hire school staff or oversee day-to-day operations at its schools. Instead, it contracts with outside groups to operate them.

Some BOCES focus on offering a single service or program. One in Adams County provides insurance services to its three member districts. The only job of the Denver-based Expeditionary BOCES is to run a single school, the Rocky Mountain School of Expeditionary Learning.

鈥淭he purpose of the BOCES is it鈥檚 a collaborative,鈥� said Welsh, who heads the 14-member San Luis Valley BOCES.

He offered an example: 鈥淲e have six and a half school psychologists in our stable 鈥� and so they serve all the school districts in the San Luis Valley in terms of the identification process for special education students.鈥�

Welsh said his BOCES also runs a program for several young adults in the valley who have significant emotional disabilities. This semester, his team launched a pilot internship program that matches high schoolers in member districts with local businesses so they can get on-the-job experience.

Like many BOCES serving small, rural districts, Welsh鈥檚 BOCES is considered a 鈥渟pecial education administrative unit.鈥� It鈥檚 a label that can apply to a school district or a BOCES and means that the entity must ensure special education laws are followed for students with disabilities.

Royce Tranum, the executive director of San Juan Boces, which has eight member school districts in southwestern Colorado, said one of the 鈥渃urious鈥� things about BOCES is that there are strict state rules governing some areas but not others. For example, the state carefully monitors BOCES for the job they do as special education administrative units.

鈥淭hey oversee parts of what we do, but not the organization as a whole,鈥� she said.

Education reEnvisioned is different from other BOCES

ERBOCES was founded in 2013 as Colorado Digital BOCES.

Brad Miller, an attorney who helped start the co-op, said by email that its founders 鈥渞ecognized that school districts are reticent to offer student-focused special schools and programs 鈥� and that a BOCES was statutorily intended for such innovations and opportunities.鈥�

State law says the cooperatives were enacted for the 鈥渆xpansion of education services of the public schools鈥� in Colorado and, where possible, to enable 鈥渢wo or more school districts to cooperate in furnishing services.鈥�

But mostly, ERBOCES isn鈥檛 helping member districts achieve economies of scale.

Education reEnvisioned has three member school districts with no shared boundaries, including District 49 in El Paso County and the Montezuma-Cortez district, which is almost 400 miles away in southwest Colorado. Pikes Peak State College is a member, and the Elizabeth school district in Elbert County joined Feb 10.

Montezuma-Cortez Superintendent Eddie Ramirez wrote in an email that his district belongs to the co-op so that it can receive $10,000 in 鈥渇low-through funds鈥� to serve English language learners.

Ken Witt, the head of ERBOCES, has long been a familiar face in Colorado鈥檚 conservative education circles. As school board president in Jeffco more than a decade ago, he was part of a three-member conservative board majority that was recalled. Later, during his tenure as superintendent in Woodland Park, there was a staff exodus and .

Since Witt took the reins of ERBOCES in 2017, the cooperative has grown from two schools to 10, and enrollment in those schools has grown from 2,200 to 13, 500 students, a 600% increase. Many of those students come from outside ERBOCES鈥� member districts.

Of Colorado鈥檚 186 school districts and co-ops, ERBOCES is the 22nd largest, serving more students than some Denver metro school districts.

In 2022, ERBOCES began authorizing state-funded home-school enrichment programs, something no other BOCES does. Such programs typically offer one day of classes or activities each week, and the state pays half the normal per-pupil rate. Today, the cooperative authorizes more than 50 such programs, with more than 8,000 students.

Witt said in a presentation last fall that 30-40 more home-school enrichment programs are in the works.

Witt sent ERBOCES鈥� mission and vision statements to Chalkbeat and answered a couple questions by email, but he didn鈥檛 respond to follow-up questions or agree to an interview for this story.

Some district officials have objected to ERBOCES placing schools or programs outside member districts.

The Colorado Springs School District 11 sued ERBOCES over the issue in 2020 after ERBOCES placed a new school in the district without permission. The district argued that allowing the cooperative to open schools in non-member districts without permission violated the principle of local control. In 2024, the , saying state law doesn鈥檛 say or suggest that BOCES were meant to open schools in any district they wished.

Haptonstall, of the Colorado BOCES association, said he gets calls from people asking about ERBOCES: 鈥淲hy are they opening this up in my region?鈥�

鈥淲e always encourage them to call the Department of Education and just clarify whether or not that鈥檚 legal,鈥� he said.

Cayce Hamerschlag, a mother from the 2,200-student Montezuma-Cortez district, said BOCES were created to provide benefits to member districts, but she doesn鈥檛 see that occurring with ERBOCES. Instead, she said it鈥檚 acting primarily as a school authorizer, drawing away students from school districts around the state.

ERBOCES鈥� six online schools enroll about 80 students from Montezuma-Cortez and several hundred from nearby districts, according to data shared at a recent school board meeting. Hamerschlag said when districts lose students, it creates a downward spiral. Declining enrollment leads to fewer offerings for students, the loss of good teachers, decreasing interest in neighborhood schools, and eventually a hit to the local economy, she said.

鈥淚鈥檓 disgusted because I鈥檓 seeing the dismantling of public education here in Cortez,鈥� said Hamerschlag, who works for San Juan BOCES in southwest Colorado but didn鈥檛 speak to Chalkbeat on behalf of the group. 鈥淚 hear of it happening across the state, and my heart breaks for the students and communities that it鈥檚 affecting.鈥�

Sen. Cathy Kipp, a Fort Collins Democrat, said by email that if Riverstone is found eligible for public funding it could set a precedent, encouraging every religious school 鈥渢o seek 鈥榩ublic school鈥� status so they can receive public dollars.鈥�

But one lawmaker believes Colorado鈥檚 current system 鈥渢oo often protects institutions over students and families.鈥�

Sen. Scott Bright, a Republican from Weld County, said by email, 鈥淏OCES and the Department of Education should not be locked in a tug-of-war; instead, the legislature ought to reinstill clear

guidance so that local partners are not forced to 鈥榩ush the edge鈥� of the law just to expand options for families,鈥� he said.

How Education reEnvisioned created Riverstone

Miller, the lawyer for ERBOCES, said that BOCES 鈥渙perate schools or programs at the direction of their members.鈥�

But there鈥檚 no evidence that District 49 or Montezuma-Cortez officials requested or directed the launch of Riverstone. The school is nowhere near either district.

An email written by Miller indicates that Riverstone arose because Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative law firm based in Arizona, sought a test case on religious public schools after the U.S. Supreme Court last spring.

鈥淎DF asked me if I could find a way for a parallel case to be initiated out of Colorado,鈥� Miller wrote in the June 4 email labeled 鈥減rivileged and confidential.鈥�

Riverstone opened two months later. Key start-up documents didn鈥檛 mention Riverstone鈥檚 religious affiliation or that it was intended to spark a lawsuit. There were no public deliberations about the idea of creating a religious public school.

The school board in the Pueblo 70 district, where Riverstone is located, did give permission for the school to locate there as required by the 2024 court decision, but the school鈥檚 real purpose went unmentioned at both meetings where it was on the agenda.

It鈥檚 not clear whether the ERBOCES board, which unanimously approves the vast majority of motions before it, discussed the school鈥檚 true purpose either. The cooperative doesn鈥檛 livestream its board meetings, and an ERBOCES employee told Chalkbeat the audio recording of the August 12 meeting where Riverstone鈥檚 contract was approved no longer exists.

Last summer, as Riverstone was taking shape, four of ERBOCES鈥� five board members may not have been eligible to serve on the board, based on Chalkbeat鈥檚 review of the state law on BOCES board makeup.

Jeremy Dys, a lawyer for the cooperative from the First Liberty Institute, said by email that ERBOCES Board President Lis Richard is an appointee of Montezuma-Cortez and John Graham, who recently left the board, was an appointee of District 49. Dys didn鈥檛 explain how this aligns with state law since neither had been a school board member or administrator in their respective districts for one to three years.

Dys described two other board members 鈥� Bethany Drosendahl and James Salazar 鈥� as 鈥渁t large鈥� members, which is allowed under state law provided they live in member districts. Asked why the two members live in non-member districts, Dys didn鈥檛 respond.

Salazar participated in the June vote on Riverstone but abstained from the August vote, possibly because of a conflict of interest. He was appointed president of the Riverstone Academy board in July.

None of the five ERBOCES board members when Riverstone was approved responded to Chalkbeat鈥檚 request for comment. (District 49 recently appointed a school board member to the ERBOCES board.)

Riverstone is run by a Pueblo nonprofit called Forging Education that runs Christian private schools and home-school programs.

Witt told Chalkbeat last fall that Riverstone is a public school because it was authorized by ERBOCES, and in January, the school received a $55,000 installment of state funding. But on their lease, insurance policy, and other documents. The school also acts like a private school by limiting public transparency.

Quin Friberg, the local pastor who heads Forging Education and Riverstone Academy, recently told an attorney working on behalf of Chalkbeat that Forging Education is not a public entity and therefore not subject to a state law that allows news organizations and others access to public records.

In early October, when Pueblo County officials were surprised. They鈥檇 known that Friberg was interested in starting a school, but not that he鈥檇 opened it to students without ensuring the building was up to code. They quickly .

In late January, Riverstone leaders after orders from county officials. School leaders have since , and ERBOCES officials say they have no records showing the school鈥檚 current address.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at .

The Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board voted unanimously against an application Monday for a virtual Jewish charter school, citing聽the state supreme court’s 2024 ruling that public funding for a religious school would violate state law.听As expected, some board members voiced support for聽Ben Gamla Jewish Charter School Foundation.

“I think our hands are tied,” said Board Member Damon Gardenhire, who said he didn’t see much difference between Ben Gamla’s application and a now-closed Native American charter school that featured a “spiritual component.”聽

In a statement responding to the vote, Brett Farley, a member of the proposed school’s board, said organizers plan to challenge the decision in federal court. “Oklahoma families should have the freedom to choose schools that best meet their children’s needs 鈥� without losing strong options simply because they are faith-based,” he said.

The Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board is expected to deny an application for a Jewish charter school Monday, but will likely welcome organizers of the school to take them to court.

Peter Deutsch, founder of the Ben Gamla Jewish Charter School Foundation, and a former Democratic congressman, made his pitch for the school in January, saying that he aims to bring 鈥渁 rigorous, values-driven education鈥� to Jewish parents in Oklahoma.

鈥淚 anticipate that our board would like to grant them the application,鈥� Brian Shellem, the board chair, told 社区黑料. 鈥淏ut we can’t snub our nose at the court either.鈥�

He means the Oklahoma Supreme Court, which ruled against the nation鈥檚 first Catholic charter school in 2024. That decision still stands after the U.S. Supreme Court deadlocked over that case last year. The charter board鈥檚 likely denial of Ben Gamla鈥檚 application is expected to spark another lawsuit, pitting against those who say it would violate the Constitution’s prohibition on establishing a religion. With a case over a proposed Christian charter in Tennessee already in federal court and another religious school in Colorado founded to test the same legal question, there鈥檚 little doubt that the nation鈥檚 highest court will eventually settle the debate.

鈥淚t is hard for me to imagine the court doesn鈥檛 take the issue again when it comes to it,鈥� said Derek Black, a constitutional law professor at the University of South Carolina. But after Justice Amy Coney Barrett recused herself in the case over St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School, resulting in the 4-4 tie, the justices likely in favor of religious charters, he said, 鈥渨ould want a case that was very strong.鈥�

鈥楶ray and hear Scripture鈥�

So far, the only case to watch is in Tennessee. Wilberforce Academy of Knoxville, a nonprofit that wants to open a K-8 Christian charter school, sued the Knox County school board because the district wouldn鈥檛 accept its letter of intent to apply. State law prohibits charter schools from being religious. 

鈥淪tudents will begin to develop biblical literacy in kindergarten and begin taking catechism lessons by third grade,鈥� according to Wilberforce Academy鈥檚 request for a quick ruling in the case. 鈥淎nd they will pray and hear Scripture together in a school assembly every morning.鈥�

As St. Isidore did before them, Wilberforce argues that the nonprofit is a 鈥減rivate actor鈥� and that approving its charter application would not turn it into a government entity.

The Knox County board told the court that it will 鈥渕ost likely鈥� not take a position on the legality of Wilberforce鈥檚 argument. On Thursday, the board rejected asking state education Commissioner Lizzette Reynolds to consider granting Wilberforce Academy a waiver so they can open the Christian school.

The Knox board, however, also said the issue of religious charter schools 鈥渄eserves a thorough examination by the federal courts.鈥� 

Judge Charles Atchley Jr, for the Eastern District of Tennessee, thinks so, too. Last week, he allowed a group of Knox County parents and religious leaders, who oppose Wilberforce鈥檚 application, . 

The case, he wrote, has the 鈥減otential to reshape First Amendment jurisprudence in the educational context鈥� and it wouldn鈥檛 serve the court or parties involved to not have 鈥渧igorous advocacy on both sides.鈥�

Amanda Collins, a retired Knox County school psychologist, is among those who have signed up to fight against Wilberforce Academy. She has two children still in the district and one who graduated in 2024. She grew concerned about Wilberforce Academy when she learned the organization didn鈥檛 have a history of operating charter schools in the state and feels its attorneys are using the district to 鈥渕erely force an issue up the ladder to the Supreme Court.鈥�

鈥淚n Tennessee, we have plenty of things that are underfunded,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e don’t need to be wasting our local Knox County taxpayer money on somebody’s agenda that is not intended to promote the education safety and wellness of our public school students.鈥� 

鈥楾he clear constitutional boundary鈥�

Another school that could spark a lawsuit over public funds for religious schools is Colorado鈥檚 , which advertises that it offers students a 鈥淐hristian foundation.鈥� 

The school operates 鈥減retty much just like a charter school鈥� said Ken Witt, executive director of Education reEnvisioned, the board of cooperative educational services, or BOCES, that contracted with the school. 

As , emails between the attorney for the Pueblo County district, which allowed the school to open within its boundaries, and the Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative law firm, suggest the school was intentionally founded to test the legal argument over whether public schools can practice religion. 

After threatening to withhold state funds because of the school鈥檚 religious mission, the Colorado Department of Education funded Riverstone鈥檚 31 students. But the state is also conducting a , which could take another year, before deciding whether it can legally provide money to the school. In the meantime, Riverstone had to close its building last week because of health and safety violations. It鈥檚 unclear whether students are learning remotely or in another facility in the meantime.

For now, Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser, a Democrat running for governor, hasn鈥檛 issued an opinion on Riverstone, but his views on St. Isidore, the Oklahoma school, were clear. Last year, he in opposing state funding for the school.

In , he urged the Supreme Court 鈥渢o preserve the clear constitutional boundary that protects both religious liberty and the integrity of our public education system.鈥�

Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond, a Republican who is also running for governor, made a similar argument about St. Isidore before both the Oklahoma and U.S. supreme courts. 

But that鈥檚 where both he and Weiser split with the Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti. In his , Skrmetti states that categorically excluding faith-based schools from public charter programs violates parents鈥� rights to freely exercise their religion.

To Ilya Shapiro, director of constitutional studies at the conservative Manhattan Institute, it鈥檚 a matter of equity. Higher-income families can move into wealthier neighborhoods or pay private school tuition, he wrote in a on the Wilberforce case. The state, he added, already funds religious schools through education savings accounts. 

鈥淏ut families who rely on charter schools are told that their options must be secular,鈥� he wrote. 

Black, with the University of South Carolina, said the issue comes down to who authorized the school to begin with. In both Oklahoma and Tennessee, either local or state boards approve charter applications.

鈥淭hat explicit state involvement, to me, makes it clear that state action is involved,鈥� he said, 鈥渁nd thus the Establishment Clause applies.鈥�

In December, Colorado Gov. Jared Polis made waves by his intention to opt his state into the program, becoming the first Democrat to do so and setting the stage for his Democratic peers. Three other Democratic governors 鈥斅燭ina Kotek of Oregon, Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico and Tony Evers of Wisconsin 鈥� have that they won鈥檛 opt in.听

So the question remains: Will most Democrats stay the course and reject federal support for聽school choice? Or will they follow Polis鈥檚 example, bucking the traditional party line? How they proceed may have profound impacts on Democrats鈥� electoral chances this year.

As approved by Congress last summer, the program allows donors to receive a $1,700 federal tax credit for money given to organizations providing scholarships for private school tuition, tutoring and other education costs for families whose annual income is at or below 300 percent of their area鈥檚 median income. The Internal Revenue Service is currently drafting guidance for administering the tax credit, and states are evaluating whether to participate.

In addition to Polis, have either opted in or declared their plans to do so. One Democrat, North Carolina Gov. Josh Stein, vetoed an opt-in bill but said he expects to sign up after he reviews the IRS rules.

Jorge Elorza, CEO of Democrats for Education Reform (DFER) and former mayor of Providence, has been pushing Democratic governors to opt into the program. This is part of a marked change in DFER鈥檚 positioning on private school choice, which Elorza casts as a turn in the right direction for a party that has, according to DFER鈥檚 , lost its lead with voters on education. For Democrats concerned about being out of touch with the majority of voters on school choice, this decision represents a 鈥渓ifeline,鈥� he told me. 鈥淚t is a convenient off ramp so that we can not only talk about K鈥�12 education policy in a new way, but also take an important step in the direction of choice.鈥�

The main argument he uses to get them on board, he said, is that 鈥渋f a state does not opt in, then by default, the first $1,700 in every single federal taxpayer鈥檚 taxes is going to leave your state.鈥� Because it鈥檚 a federal tax credit, Californians are every bit as eligible to donate as Floridians. But because states have to opt in, California鈥檚 children aren鈥檛 eligible to receive scholarships unless Gov. Gavin Newsom or the state legislature decides to participate. Elorza believes the decision for Democrats is a 鈥渘o brainer.鈥�

John Schilling, a school choice advocate, offered another argument: 鈥渋t鈥檚 all additive.鈥� Because it鈥檚 a tax credit, 鈥渋t is adding K-12 resources, which are going directly to parents and students. It does not affect what the federal government or what state governments provide for K鈥�12 education.鈥� And since the law allows public school students to benefit from the scholarships, tutoring or afterschool activities, Schilling sees little reason why Democratic governors wouldn鈥檛 opt in. He too called it a 鈥渘o-brainer.鈥�

Not everyone agrees. Thomas Toch, the director of the Georgetown University think tank FutureEd, argues the decision to opt in could be 鈥渧ery problematic鈥� for governors, especially if they can鈥檛 target scholarships to students from low-income families or provide much oversight of private schools. Because there are so many unanswered questions, Toch hopes governors will 鈥渨ait until they understand in detail what the parameters of the program will be鈥� before they opt in or out, which won鈥檛 be until the IRS releases its rules later this year.

Another concern is a perennial one for school choice opponents: that private schools can discriminate against students, including LGBTQ kids. Jon Valant, director of the Brown Center on Education Policy at the Brookings Institution, said the tax credit is effectively a 鈥渂ackdoor voucher program鈥� that states 鈥渁ctually have very little control over.鈥� Democrats might be wary of opting into a program 鈥渨here, for example, they can do very little to protect against some discriminatory behaviors.鈥�

Such concerns are why Robert Enlow, president and CEO of the school choice research and advocacy organization EdChoice, believes governors in states on 鈥渢he harder sort of left鈥� 鈥� he mentioned California, Massachusetts and Connecticut 鈥� may choose not to opt in. Toch added: 鈥淚n some states, especially where teacher unions are influential, there鈥檚 going to be a lot of pressure to just say no for no鈥檚 sake.鈥�

Advocates argue that school choice, and particularly the scholarship tax credit, is popular. In September, DFER released showing that 64% of voters wanted their governor to opt into the program, including 61% of Democrats and 59% of Independents, with even stronger showings among Hispanic and Black voters. Enlow also pointed to done by EdChoice and Morning Consult showing that 65% of adults and 75% of school parents support tax-credit scholarship programs. With numbers like these, 鈥渙pting in is not just popular, it is overwhelmingly popular,鈥� DFER鈥檚 Elorza said.

Yet in 2024, voters in three states 鈥� Colorado, Kansas, and Nebraska 鈥� pro-school choice ballot measures. Elorza chalks these defeats up to 鈥渃oordinated campaigns that raise a parade of horribles that will materialize鈥� if these measures are adopted. Coordinated campaigns or no, those ballot measure defeats are surely going to give fodder to opponents of the tax credit scholarship program.

For now, most Democratic governors seem for the IRS rules. As a spokesperson for Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro put it in an email: 鈥淭he Shapiro Administration is awaiting federal guidance to address key questions about how this program would work, including which students will be eligible, how this federal initiative will interact with existing programs, and more. We look forward to reviewing that guidance.鈥� The offices of the governors of Illinois, Michigan, California and Michigan did not respond to requests for comment.

Toch applauds the wait-and-see approach: 鈥淢y argument is that the devil is in the details, and the political leaders in both parties should scrutinize the details carefully and not commit to a program unless it serves valuable public policy ends.鈥�

The question for Democratic governors facing re-election is simple: After a decade of declining student achievement, will voters want a massive change in how education is delivered? Or will they prefer a more cautious approach that maintains stricter oversight?

Gov. Jared Polis plans to opt Colorado into a federal tax-credit scholarship program, opening the door to private school choice in a Democratic state where lawmakers and voters have rejected previous proposals.

Conservatives, children鈥檚 advocates, and supporters of school choice praised the decision for its possibility to raise money for all students鈥� education. Meanwhile, a coalition of public school advocates sent a letter to Polis in December asking him to reconsider.

The voucher-like program, part of President Donald Trump鈥檚 鈥渂ig, beautiful鈥� budget bill, has the potential to generate billions of dollars for private school tuition and other educational expenses, such as tutoring, but governors have to decide whether to participate.

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Polis appears to be the . North Carolina Gov. Josh Stein did so in August under pressure from state Republican lawmakers who have dramatically expanded the state鈥檚 voucher system. Polis also is the second governor to opt in from a state where voters rejected a school choice measure at the ballot. Nebraska Gov. Jim Pillen, a Republican, , setting the stage for Nebraska鈥檚 first private school choice program after voters there overturned voucher legislation in 2024.

School choice supporters had hoped the federal program would expand educational opportunities in states where politics made it difficult or impossible to pass voucher legislation. Polis, meanwhile, said he saw other potential benefits.

Polis spokesperson Shelby Wieman said in a Dec. 5 statement that the governor would not have voted for the budget bill, but he is not interested in leaving hundreds of millions in federal money on the table that could provide additional funding for after-school programming, summer school, scholarships, and academic tutoring.

鈥淭his tax credit creates an immense opportunity for Coloradans to support students in our state, but only if we opt in,鈥� she said. 鈥淗e welcomes the opportunity to work with school districts and other education stakeholders to help ensure this credit can benefit the greatest number of students across our state with evidence-based programs that supplement school days. He encourages the administration to ensure these tax credits lead to improved student outcomes.鈥�

The tax-credit program allows taxpayers to reduce their tax liability if they donate to eligible scholarship-granting organizations, which then pay for students鈥� educational expenses.

The law allows donations to benefit public and private school students alike, but how feasible it might be to harness donations for public school students will depend in part on rules that the Treasury Department has yet to issue.

that Polis plans to opt Colorado into the program. He expressed openness to the idea last summer and earlier in his career. Polis said in a statement that he doesn鈥檛 believe vouchers are a good use of public funds and that this tax credit is not a voucher.

States officially opt in by presenting a list of eligible scholarship-granting organizations to the Treasury Department, a step that must wait until rules are finalized next year.

Polis鈥� decision doesn鈥檛 necessarily mean Colorado will participate in the tax-credit program over the long term. Polis is term-limited, and the winner of the governor鈥檚 race next year could make a different decision.

Supporters of Polis鈥� decision agreed that the tax credits present an opportunity for the state to raise millions for students, including to support them in out-of-school opportunities and to pay for transportation and school supplies. Advocates say the tax-credit scholarship program helps students in underperforming schools attend other school options.

Tony Lewis, executive director of the Donnell-Kay Foundation, which works on education policy, said he hopes the tax credit rules allow scholarship-granting organizations the ability to pay for a wide range of activities, such as sports, after-school programs, theater classes, and summer camps. (The Donnell-Kay Foundation also has provided funding to Chalkbeat. Read more about our supporters and our ethics policy .)

鈥淚f we pass up this opportunity to opt in now, we close any possibility of doing good work for public school kids,鈥� he said. 鈥淲hy not keep your options open?鈥�

The Colorado Children鈥檚 Campaign, an advocacy organization, also expressed optimism about the potential to benefit public school students.

And Ready Colorado Executive Director Brenda Dickhoner said the decision means more opportunities for kids, especially those wanting to participate in enrichment programs. The conservative organization focuses on school choice and education reform.

鈥淚t鈥檚 a way for us to solve this problem of closing this opportunity gap, and making it more equitable for kids to access after school enrichment, whether it鈥檚 band or sports or any type of tutoring,鈥� she said in an interview.

The program doesn鈥檛 require state investment. Instead, it allows states to decide whether taxpayers can donate funds to scholarship-granting organizations and receive a dollar-for-dollar federal tax credit. Individual taxpayers can claim a credit of up to $1,700 starting in 2027.

Those organizations would give the money to parents to pay for education expenses, such as a students鈥� private school tuition, books, transportation, and uniforms. Families earning up to 300% of area median income would qualify. That threshold includes well-off families in expensive urban areas but might exclude middle-class families in some rural communities.

, which would have enshrined the right to school choice in the state鈥檚 Constitution. In 2021, they .

Polis reiterated his decision to opt in despite pleas from a that delivered a letter to Polis saying the state should not participate.

The letter said the state should focus on providing more resources to schools and respect voters鈥� wishes to keep vouchers out of the state.

The group added that the state can and must do better when it comes to public education. 鈥淏ut publicly funded school vouchers are not the way to achieve this,鈥� the letter says.

The letter says studies have shown vouchers provide mixed results in improving student achievement. It also says the program lacks public accountability and allows discrimination against children with disabilities or who identify as LGBTQ+.

鈥淯nlike the private or religious schools that vouchers support, our public schools are obligated to teach all students, holding fast to the American ideal of public education as a springboard to success and as necessary to a well-functioning democracy,鈥� the letter says.

The list of organizations calling on Polis to reject the plan include the Colorado Education Association, Colorado Fiscal Institute, Colorado PTA, Movimiento Poder, and The Bell Policy Center.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat on Dec. 5, 2025. Sign up for their newsletters at .

Colorado officials say money that helps 18,000 low-income families pay for child care could run out by Jan. 31 if federal officials don鈥檛 lift the freeze they鈥檝e imposed on funding for several safety net programs in five Democrat-led states.

If that happens, some children could go without care and some parents would have to stay home from work. State lawmakers could cover such a funding gap temporarily, though Colorado is facing a significant budget crunch.

The Trump administration announced the freeze on $10 billion in child care and social services funding for Colorado, California, Illinois, Minnesota, and New York in a press release Monday.

In letters sent to the two Colorado agencies that run the affected programs, federal officials said they have 鈥渞eason to believe that the State of Colorado is illicitly providing鈥� benefits funded with federal dollars to 鈥渋llegal aliens.鈥�

The letters didn鈥檛 cite evidence for that claim and a spokesperson for the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services didn鈥檛 respond to questions from Chalkbeat about why federal officials are concerned about fraud in Colorado.

Spokespeople from both state departments said by email on Tuesday they鈥檙e not aware of any federal fraud investigations focused on the programs affected by the funding freeze.

The five-state funding freeze follows a federal crackdown in Minnesota after a right-wing YouTuber posted a video in late December alleging that Minneapolis child care centers run by Somali residents get federal funds but serve no children. It鈥檚 not clear why the other four states have gotten the same treatment as Minnesota, but all have Democratic governors who have clashed with President Donald Trump.

In a New Year鈥檚 Eve social media post, Trump called Colorado Gov. Jared Polis 鈥渢he Scumbag Governor鈥� and said Polis and another Colorado official should 鈥渞ot in hell鈥� for mistreating Tina Peters, a Trump supporter and former Mesa County clerk who鈥檚 serving a nine-year prison sentence for orchestrating a plot to breach election systems.

The federal freeze will affect three main funding streams in Colorado that together bring in about $317 million a year. They include $138 million for the Colorado Department of Early Childhood for child care subsidies for low-income families and a few other programs.

The subsidy program, known as the Colorado Child Care Assistance program, helps cover the cost of care for more than 27,000 children so parents can work or take classes. It鈥檚 mostly funded by the federal government with smaller contributions from states and counties.

The other two frozen funding streams go to the Colorado Department of Human Services and pay for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, or TANF, and other programs.

In the letter to the Colorado Department of Early Childhood, federal officials outlined new fiscal requirements the state will have to follow before the funding freeze is lifted. They include attendance documentation 鈥� without names or other personal identifiers 鈥� for children in the child care subsidy program.

A state fact sheet issued in response to the funding freeze said funding for the child care subsidy program would be depleted by Jan. 31. It also outlined several measures already in place to prevent fraud or waste, including state audits, monthly case reviews by county officials, and efforts to recover funds if improper payments are made.

The state said it is exploring 鈥渁ll options, including legal avenues鈥� to keep the frozen funding flowing.

Six Democratic state lawmakers, most in leadership positions, released a statement Tuesday afternoon calling the funding freeze a callous move that will make life more expensive for working families.

鈥淲e stand ready to work with Governor Polis and partners in our federal delegation to resist this lawless effort to freeze funding, and we sincerely hope that our Republican colleagues will put politics aside, get serious about making life in Colorado more affordable, and put families first,鈥� the statement said in part.

The statement was from Speaker of the House Julie McCluskie; Senate President James Coleman; House Majority Leader Monica Duran; Senate Majority Leader Robert Rodriguez; Rep. Emily Sirota; and Sen. Judy Amabile.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

Up went the drones, and then, suddenly, down went the drones. A frequency conflict resulted in the team losing control of their devices, only to watch them crash back to earth, many of them destroyed. As their district鈥檚 superintendent and other attendees of the Colorado Association of School Boards conference helped them literally pick up the pieces, the students were shocked. 

鈥淭he kids were crushed,鈥� said Joe McBreen, the assistant superintendent of innovation at the Longmont, Colorado, school district. 鈥淭hey felt like they failed their superintendent.鈥� 

When the students diagnosed the problem, they realized that linking the next set of drones to a secure certificate online would avoid the connection mishap. Nearly a year and 40 shows later, 鈥渢hey haven鈥檛 had a problem since,鈥� said McBreen. 

鈥淭ell me where kids can learn that lesson and which standardized test鈥� will mark that progress, said Axel Reitzig, the executive director of innovation for the 33,000-student district located 50 miles north of Denver. 

boldly claims its students 鈥渁re the future of America,鈥� and once you peek inside its 50,000 square-foot , that phrase seems less like a boast than a statement of fact. In addition to the district鈥檚 260 competitive robotics teams, there are groups of students raising an endangered species of frogs, another group building and designing airplanes, as well as students taking classes in artificial intelligence, cyber security and music innovation. 

St. Vrain鈥檚 has been honing its career technical education offerings for more than a decade, pushing not just new fields of study, but encouraging students to dive deeply into one or more career paths, with the goal of cultivating a hybrid set of skills that can set them up to thrive in a changing workforce. 

Career technical education is undergoing a renaissance, with 15% of high school classes in the U.S. offering students instruction that focuses on the skills and knowledge required for specific jobs or fields of work, according to a . This type of learning boosts student achievement, graduation rates, hirability, and college readiness, according to from the nonprofit American Institute for Research. 

While not all of St. Vrain鈥檚 Innovation Center classes and training fit the strict definition of career technical education, all of it has been created to help students 鈥渢est drive a career,鈥� Reitzig said.

The district appears to be on the right track. A recent survey of seniors at the Innovation Center showed that 98% of them correlated what they did in high school to what they hope to do as a career.

St. Vrain鈥檚 also has one of the in the state at 94.3% for 2023-24, well in front of the state鈥檚 average 84.2% rate. The district鈥檚 attendance for the topped 92%, again ahead of the state鈥檚 average. 

St. Vrain opened its 6,000-square-foot Innovation Center in 2014 with five staffers offering 10 classes that sought to teach high school students technical skills or project management experience in fields like robotics and coding. Three years and a successful bond measure later, the Innovation Center has mushroomed into a 50,000-square-foot 鈥渟andbox鈥� offering 70 classes to more than 1,200 students districtwide. A newly approved expansion will soon double the center鈥檚 size, Reitzig said.

The district鈥檚 philosophy is that students’ experiences should progress from exploration of various fields to education within those areas to real-world experience. Each of its 26 elementary schools, for example, has two annual field trips to the center, and high school students are encouraged to begin classes in one of 11 different focus areas as a freshman, allowing them to specialize by the time they graduate. The district even pays 200 students for work they complete after school for area companies, local government, or the district itself. 

鈥淭hese students are doing authentic work for real clients,鈥� Reitzig said. 鈥淭hey are going out and earning contracts.鈥� He added that this work, in some ways, can be more valuable than an internship because students get to lead projects and learn from their failures.

The center maintains a strong relationship with a variety of business owners and entrepreneurs in the greater Denver area. 

Mikki McComb-Kobza of first started working with St. Vrain students several years ago when she was seeking a way to verify the sizes of great white sharks without catching them. Students helped design a photography system using lasers to measure sharks underwater. 

Since then, the nonprofit鈥檚 CEO has seen students find 鈥渢heir passion and purpose鈥� through science experiments that have led to publishable research. 鈥淭hey allow students to get in the mud, next to other scientists,鈥� she added. The district is open to hearing suggestions on what she called 鈥渄ream moonshots鈥� in various conservation projects. 

鈥淎xel never says no,鈥� she added, referring to the district鈥檚 executive director of innovation.

The best example of this experimentation came when Mac Kobza, a senior wildlife biologist for Boulder County, asked the district鈥檚 students how they could help counter the declining number of Northern Leopard frogs, a species native to the area. After securing state approval, the district purchased tanks and set out to create a system to raise these frogs in captivity before releasing them into the wild. (Kobza and McComb-Kobza are married.) 

Because these frogs had never been raised in captivity before, the methods the students and scientists created would become a template for the future, if successful. Students and scientists worked side by side, Reitzig said, solving problems while fixing a community problem. The experiment was a success and the released frogs have started to self-populate again, Kobza said. 

This program not only incorporated bioscientific research, but it forced students to work through a maze of local and state approval processes while also dealing with private landowners. Students continue to monitor the water temperatures where the frogs live and stay in contact with area scientists and farmers. 鈥淭his is cutting edge environmental science,鈥� said Kobza. 

Even if a student鈥檚 work doesn鈥檛 lead directly to a career, they still pick up skills they can use in other jobs, said Hilary Sontag, the Innovation Center鈥檚 executive director of advancement and strategic partnerships. After a female student won a state championship in welding, Sontag asked her if she was planning on becoming a welder, a potentially lucrative career. The student quickly said no, but explained that she wanted to enter the military and train to become a cardiac surgeon. She said her welding experience would help sharpen her problem-solving chops and hone her motor skills. 

Another student, senior Mischa Nelson, began his work at the Innovation Center in cybersecurity, a field with a strong business representation in the greater Denver area. He took multiple classes, not only working with expensive machinery but also picking up industry recognized certifications. He landed a summer internship with a local software company. When that ended, the company asked him to stay on as an employee, helping it run a large experiment to test its data security measures. 

鈥淚鈥檓 working on a program with more than a million Social Security numbers in it,鈥� he said. 

But while Nelson continues to work for the cybersecurity company, he has broadened his Innovation Center studies to include entrepreneurship and AI. Through his AI work, he entered a NASA competition where he is trying to create a system that would offer astronauts immediate medical advice without requiring them to connect back to Earth. He credits his entrepreneurial classes with helping him develop time management skills and the confidence to present publicly to groups of people needed for this project. 

Once he graduates, he said he hopes to create and run control systems for industries that use robotics and computers in warehouses. 鈥淓verything I鈥檝e learned is completely relevant,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not like we were doing old curriculum. You get to hone the way you want to go.鈥�

Colorado parents will soon be able to get partial refunds on certain upfront fees they鈥檝e paid to child care centers if their children don鈥檛 land a seat there within six months.

A that takes effect on Jan 1. aims to ease the cost burden on families who pay waitlist, application, or deposit fees to child care programs that their children don鈥檛 end up attending. It requires child care providers to provide the refunds if a child has not been offered a spot within six months and the parent requests the refund in writing, such as by email.

Democratic lawmakers pushed for the proposal during the 2025 legislative session, citing instances where families sometimes pay fees of $100 or more to a dozen or more child care centers as they search for a slot.

The law applies to fees paid on or after Jan. 1, 2026, so families won鈥檛 be able to obtain refunds until they hit the end of the six-month window in July 2026 or after. Families who are offered a spot at a child care center but decline it aren鈥檛 eligible to recoup any of the fees they paid.

Under the law, providers are allowed to keep a 鈥渞easonable鈥� portion of the waitlist, application, or deposit fee to cover administrative costs. , according to a Colorado Department of Early Childhood document released Thursday.

Besides the refund provision, the new law requires child care programs to disclose their tuition and fees when a prospective family requests pricing information, joins the waitlist, enrolls in the program, or when the provider changes the fee schedule. It doesn鈥檛 require that tuition and fees be posted publicly.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

They were right.

In Tennessee, the nonprofit Wilberforce Academy is suing the Knox County Schools in federal court because the district refuses to allow a Christian charter school. Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti is on the school鈥檚 side. He issued last month that the state鈥檚 ban on religious charter schools likely violates the First Amendment. 

鈥淭ennessee鈥檚 public charter schools are not government entities for constitutional purposes and may assert free exercise rights,鈥� he wrote to Rep. Michele Carringer, the Knoxville Republican who requested the opinion. 

The legal challenge in Tennessee comes as a Florida-based charter school network prepares to submit an application to the Oklahoma Charter School Board for a Jewish virtual charter high school. Peter Deutsch, the former Democratic congressman who founded the Ben Gamla charter schools, began working on the idea long before the case over St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School even went to court. The 4-4 tie in May means that an Oklahoma Supreme Court decision blocking the school from receiving state funds still stands.听

鈥淭he prior decision shows that there’s an open question here that needs to be resolved,鈥� said Eric Baxter, vice president and senior counsel at Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, a law firm representing the National Ben Gamla Jewish Charter School Foundation. 鈥淲e hope the court will get it right this time. We hope the federal courts get it right without having to go to the Supreme Court.鈥�

Idaho also confronted the issue earlier this year. The state鈥檚 first charter, Brabeion Academy, initially the school as Christian. But it in August as a nonreligious school and will open as such next fall. 

Deutsch, Skrmetti and other supporters of faith-based charter schools base their argument on three earlier Supreme Court rulings allowing public funds to support sectarian schools. They say that excluding religious organizations from operating faith-based charter schools is discrimination and violates the Constitution. But leaders of the charter sector and public school advocates argue that classifying charter schools as private would threaten funding and civil rights protections for 3.7 million students nationwide.

鈥淯nless and until the U.S. Supreme Court takes up a future case and rules otherwise, we advise all charter school associations and public charter schools to adhere to the letter and spirit of the law in their respective states,鈥� Starlee Coleman, president and CEO of the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools, said in a statement.

鈥楴ot on our watch鈥�

When the Supreme Court considered St. Isidore, Deutsch, was prepared to advocate for Jewish congregations to open schools that not only teach their language, but also their faith. He called the case 鈥渁 historic opportunity鈥� to bring Jewish education to thousands of children.

To Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond, the debate is settled, for now. In November, he said his office would 鈥渙ppose any attempts to undermine the rule of law.”聽

Americans United, which advocates for maintaining church-state separation, has also issued a warning over the new school. The organization represented parents and advocates in a separate case over the school. 

鈥淩eligious extremists once again are trying to undermine our country鈥檚 promise of church-state separation by forcing Oklahoma taxpayers to fund a religious public school. Not on our watch,鈥� Rachel Laser, president and CEO, said in a press release.

The legal fight over religious charter schools began in 2023, when the Oklahoma Virtual Charter School Board voted 3-2 to approve a charter for St. Isidore, setting off a closely watched case that spanned two years. At the time, the Jewish Federation of Greater Oklahoma City, a nonreligious group, called the charter board鈥檚 decision unconstitutional. Rachel Johnson, the group鈥檚 executive director, didn鈥檛 return calls or emails requesting a comment on Ben Gamla鈥檚 proposal.

None of the members who originally voted on St. Isidore serves on the state鈥檚 new Oklahoma Charter School Board. But for one person involved with Ben Gamla鈥檚 application, this is familiar territory. Brett Farley is on the proposed school鈥檚 board, according to a letter of intent the foundation submitted to the charter board in November.

Farley once held a top position with the and is also executive director of the Catholic Conference of Oklahoma, which focuses on public policy issues involving the church. While preparing the St. Isidore application, with Notre Dame law Professor Nicole Stelle Garnett, whose scholarly work formed the basis of the legal argument for the school.

骋补谤苍别迟迟鈥檚 is that nonprofits running charter schools are like private contractors, and as with other publicly funded programs, can鈥檛 be excluded just because they are religious. She鈥檚 also close friends with Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who recused herself from the St. Isidore case. Experts speculated that Chief Justice John Roberts sided with the three liberals on the court, resulting in the 4-4 tie.

鈥楶assion for religious freedom鈥�

The virtual school, the intent letter says, would initially enroll about 40 students, focusing on 鈥渃ollege readiness, while developing deep Jewish knowledge, faith and values within a supportive learning community.鈥�

But some are surprised Deutsch isn鈥檛 making his bid for a Jewish charter school in Florida, where his existing, non-religious charter schools have thrived.

鈥淚 think Florida could be a good option given the new attorney general鈥檚 passion for ,鈥� said Daniel Aqua, the director of special projects at Teach Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for Jewish education

The demand for a Jewish charter school would be much higher in Florida, which has Jewish population of nearly 762,000, compared with about 9,000 in Oklahoma. 

Charter founders in Florida submit their applications to local school districts first. The state recently added as authorizers, but Oklahoma, where organizers directly with the state charter board, offers a more streamlined process. 

鈥楶ublic Christian school鈥�

But efforts to create publicly-funded religious schools are not limited to the charter sector. A new school in Colorado, Riverstone Academy, calls itself the state鈥檚 鈥渇irst public Christian school.鈥� Now serving 30 students in Pueblo, south of Colorado Springs, Riverstone is what is sometimes referred to as a 鈥渃ontract鈥� school because districts sign agreements with private organizations to provide education services. In this case, Education reEnvisioned, one of the state鈥檚 21 boards of cooperative educational services, or BOCES, authorized the school. 

In October, the Colorado Department of Education warned Ken Witt, the BOCES鈥� executive director, that the school鈥檚 per-student funding is at risk because it is 鈥渘ot operating in a nonsectarian nature.鈥� The letter also went to District 49, near Colorado Springs, one of Education reEnvisioned鈥檚 member districts. 

In a response, Witt wrote that he was 鈥渁larmed at the threat鈥� that the school might not receive funding. 鈥淲e did not and legally cannot discriminate against this school on account of its religious affiliation,鈥� he wrote. Examining Riverstone鈥檚 curriculum to determine if the school is truly sectarian, he said, would be 鈥渦nconstitutionally entangling and discriminatory against different forms of religion.鈥�

Witt told 社区黑料 that funding usually doesn鈥檛 flow from the state to a new school until January, so it鈥檚 too soon to know whether officials will withhold funds.

鈥楰eep coming back鈥� 

鈥淵ou’re going to see those within the charter sector and outside of it basically taking the same approach鈥� 鈥� arguing that private groups delivering religious instruction can鈥檛 be denied public funds, said Preston Green, an education professor at the University of Connecticut. 

To Green, Riverstone鈥檚 identity as a 鈥渃ontract鈥� school calls to mind a 1982 case, one that Garnett and other proponents of religious charter schools often highlight when they say that charters are not 鈥渟tate actors.鈥� In , the Supreme Court said a Massachusetts private school that received public funds for educating teens with behavior problems did not act under the 鈥渃olor of state law鈥� when it fired six employees. 

The question, experts say, is not if, but when the Supreme Court will eventually see another case about religious public schools Justice Barrett won鈥檛 have the same reason to recuse herself, Green said, and he鈥檚 not convinced that Roberts would side with the liberals a second time.

The advocates, he said, 鈥渒eep coming back at this because they think that they’ll get the votes.鈥�

Two ballot measures to fund Colorado鈥檚 universal school meals program, the only statewide contests in the 2025 off-year election, were approved by voters Tuesday night, according to unofficial results.

The Associated Press called the race in favor of Proposition MM, which would raise $95 million annually for school meals by limiting tax deductions for filers with higher incomes, at 8:25 p.m. With more than 1.4 million votes counted, nearly 65% of voters had cast a ballot in favor of Proposition LL, and 58% voted in favor of Proposition MM.

Both measures were by the Colorado General Assembly earlier this year. Together, they will shore up funding for Healthy School Meals For All, a state program that provides free breakfast and lunch to all students regardless of their family鈥檚 income level.

鈥淭hank you to every voter, volunteer, community partner, and endorsing organization who turned out to pass Propositions LL and MM, ensuring every child in Colorado can continue to get a healthy meal at school,鈥� Joe Kabourek, campaign manager for the Keep Kids Fed Colorado campaign, said in a press release. 鈥淧ropositions LL and MM will keep kids fed in school, leading to better grades, higher graduation rates, and better outcomes for Colorado students.鈥�

Colorado voters approved a to create the program three years ago. It was funded by limiting income tax deductions for filers earning over $300,000 per year. The program鈥檚 funding mechanism raised more than expected in the 2023-2024 fiscal year, but its costs also exceeded projections, resulting in a budget gap that rose to roughly $50 million this year.

Proposition LL will allow the state to keep the $12.4 million in excess 2023-2024 revenue that would otherwise be returned to voters under the 1992 state constitutional amendment known as the Taxpayer鈥檚 Bill of Rights.

Proposition MM aims to permanently fund the full program by further limiting tax deductions for filers earning over $300,000 a year. About 194,000 Coloradans in that high-income category would pay an average of $486 more in income taxes yearly, according to nonpartisan state fiscal analysts.

Keep Kids Fed Colorado reported $739,200 in contributions since June, mostly from the nonprofit Hunger Free Colorado. The measures were endorsed by a long list of organizations including Children鈥檚 Hospital Colorado, Great Education Colorado, Mi Familia Vota, Rocky Mountain Farmers Union and Save the Children Action Network. The measures did not draw an organized opposition campaign.

During a special legislative session in August, Colorado lawmakers to allow the additional revenue to be spent on broader efforts to reduce food insecurity, once the Healthy School Meals For All program鈥檚 costs are covered. That would help the state partially offset the impact 鈥� estimated at up to $170 million annually 鈥� of reduced funding and higher administrative costs for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, as a result of  in July.

鈥淲hile we celebrate this victory for Colorado kids and families, we also cannot ignore that, for thousands of Colorado families, this remains a time of deep economic hardship and food insecurity, made worse by USDA鈥檚 refusal to provide full funding for SNAP and the devastating cuts to SNAP Congress approved this past summer,鈥� Anya Rose, director of public policy at Hunger Free Colorado, said in a statement.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Colorado Newsline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Quentin Young for questions: info@coloradonewsline.com.

A recent college graduate from Kansas, Phipps chose the district, which is about 45 miles east of Denver, because of an unusual job perk: housing for school staff. The district-owned apartments offer monthly rent starting at $200. Phipps, who still lives in the apartments with his wife and infant son, said it鈥檚 a main reason he鈥檚 remained in the district.

Affordable educator housing has existed for decades, especially in remote school districts like Byers. But teachers are increasingly getting priced out of the communities they work in 鈥� causing them to seek employment elsewhere or avoid jobs in high-priced metro areas. To combat this issue, nonprofits and school districts across the nation 鈥� in states including Colorado, Arkansas, California, New Mexico and Kansas 鈥� are pursuing teacher housing projects to improve educator retention.

For example, rent for a one-bedroom apartment at a for San Francisco Unified staff starts at $1,183 per month, in a district where this year is $79,468 and similar rentals go for around $3,000 or more. First-year Kansas City educators who make a $48,150 can pay $600 to $900 a month to share a duplex with other teachers. Nearby monthly rents start at $1,000. San Francisco tenants are selected through a lottery system, but many other housing projects prioritize new teachers and have waiting lists.

Between 2019 and 2025, housing costs increased by roughly 50% on average, outpacing the average 24% growth in entry-level teacher salaries, according to a .

鈥淯ntil all teachers can reliably afford basic necessities like housing, the challenges of attracting and retaining a diverse, high-quality teacher workforce will likely persist,鈥� the report said.

鈥業 don鈥檛 have much turnover鈥�

Phipps interviewed with multiple Colorado districts, including one that paid more than what Byers was offering. But he liked the high school social studies job in Byers the most because of the school community and low-cost housing. Rental units are scarce in the district, with monthly payments starting around $1,400 鈥� a high price tag for Phipps鈥� $50,738 salary. Having a boss who was also his landlord wasn鈥檛 an issue, he said.

鈥淭he demand and prices of housing 鈥� especially rent 鈥� is very high out here,鈥� he said. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 know if I would have moved out to Colorado without this teacher housing. I didn鈥檛 know what was going to be do-able with my teacher salary straight out of college.鈥�

The Byers school district has owned staff housing since the 1960s. It has 10 apartments and two houses 鈥� all occupied, with a waiting list. Superintendent Tom Trudell said the rent pays for occasional renovations or repairs. Housing has always been part of the district鈥檚 strategy to attract and retain teachers, he said, and it allows them to save money to eventually buy a house of their own.

鈥淭here’s a kind of a bond that builds between [me and my tenants], because if they’re quality employees, they’re typically not going anywhere,鈥� he said. 鈥淪o I don’t have much turnover.鈥�

In the Vilas School District in southeastern Colorado, Superintendent Abby Pettinger is the landlord for 11 rental homes that house eight single school staff members and one family with children. Two units are vacant. The homes have become outdated because the district lacks money for repairs and remodels.

鈥淚t’s really hard to be somebody’s landlord and be their boss,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e wanted [the units] to be an asset for our staff, but I wish that we could be at a point that it could be self-sustaining. We’re not at that point.鈥�

Some teacher housing complexes are owned and managed by local nonprofits rather than the school district. That鈥檚 the case for Harrison School District 2 in Colorado Springs. An organization called We Fortify is raising $6 million for that consist of 325-square-foot tiny homes. Rent will start at $825 per month. 

Construction has already begun, and teachers will begin to move in next summer, said district spokesperson Christine O鈥橞rien. 

鈥淲e did poll all of our staff before we 鈥� started designing the idea for the village,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e could have filled five villages with just our initial interest.鈥�

District plans don鈥檛 always come through

Of the 12 teacher housing developments in California, seven have popped up in just the last three years, according to a from the Center for Cities and School at the University of California-Berkeley.

鈥淕enerally, recruitment has become more and more challenging, so districts are motivated to look for other ways to enhance their ability to recruit staff,鈥� said Sara Hinkley, the center鈥檚 program manager. 鈥淗igh costs of housing have become pretty entrenched. And then most states are experiencing declining enrollment, which means there are more properties available.鈥�

The Santa Clara Unified School District was the first in the state to complete a teacher housing project, in 2002. This year, three developments for multiple school districts opened in Silicon Valley, in , and . Educators in Mountain View and Palo Alto were offered free rent as an incentive to move in.

Building affordable teacher housing can be a rocky process, especially if schools or nonprofits run into problems with city zoning laws, insufficient funding or a lack of community support. It to build modern, five-story apartment buildings for San Francisco Unified teachers because of housing density concerns and other issues. And once the lottery opened, some teacher applications .

In 2021, California’s Oakland Unified School District for future teacher housing. The apartments have yet to be built. The project hasn鈥檛 received enough funding, and union members have to focus first on raising wages.

鈥淲e’ve definitely seen districts realize that what they want to do isn’t going to be financially feasible,鈥� Hinkley said. 鈥淭hey may get as far as choosing a parcel of land, coming up with an idea of what they want to build and [find out] that they are going to have to charge rent that鈥檚 way too high in order to make the project work.鈥�

Rural schools in New Mexico have access to , but larger districts like Sante Fe Public Schools don鈥檛 qualify. In recent years, the in funding for a 40-unit housing complex project, but that was well below the needed $15 million. Now, Santa Fe is trying to fund it through a .

An initiative in Bentonville, Arkansas, stalled last year when a rezoning request to turn school district property into 40 cottages for low-income staff. The Bentonville School District had next to its high school to the Excellerate Foundation, a local nonprofit that was funding the $35 million housing project. 

Superintendent Debbie Jones said she thought it was the end of a project she had worked on since 2021, when Bentonville began to lose newly hired educators who couldn鈥檛 afford to live in the district. But then the foundation included the teacher housing plans in a that鈥檚 slated to open in 2026. Two-bedroom cottages will cost $1,000 a month.

鈥淚t’s actually better than our original plan because they have built in a 3,000-square-foot child care center that we will run and it serves the families in that neighborhood,鈥� she said.

Giving new teachers a boost with education and a home

The housing projects for the Bentonville and Harrison school districts have guidelines to allow low-income young staffers like new teachers or paraprofessionals to qualify. Residents also have a time limit for staying in the housing. For Bentonville, educators have to move out after five years. In the Harrison district, the maximum is three years.

In both, residents are required to participate in financial management classes that are designed to help them prepare to move out. In Bentonville, staffers can pay an extra $500 a month in rent as part of a program that will give tenants $50,000 toward their next house.

Kelly Davis, president of the Bentonville Education Association, said young teachers in the district are getting excited for the development to open because monthly rent costs anywhere from $2,000 to $5,000.

鈥淲hen I came to the district back in 2003, I couldn’t afford to live here. I still don鈥檛 live in Bentonville,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hey are trying very hard to make sure that the lowest-paid people in the district have a place to live, so that they don’t have to leave the community.鈥�

Kansas City has a similar housing project that not only provides financial education, but helps college graduates get their first teaching job.

In 2020, Trinity Davis left her post as assistant superintendent of Kansas City Public Schools and founded to increase the number of local Black educators. A by the University of Missouri-Kansas City reported the metro area had more than 53,000 Black students but fewer than 1,200 Black teachers.

Teachers Like Me recruits recent college graduates by securing them a job in one of eight partner Kansas City school districts while also providing low-cost housing. School districts pay the organization $15,000 for every educator they receive through the process. The nonprofit has three homes and is in the process of building seven more to create a duplex neighborhood. 

鈥淪uburban districts that don’t have any teachers of color are coming to us to say, 鈥楬ey, can you help us recruit some Black teachers?鈥欌�� Davis said. 鈥淚 have an elementary school where the fourth-grade, fifth-grade and sixth-grade teachers are all Teachers Like Me [participants]. They’re like a family and they live together.鈥�

The little boy clung to his mother as she carried him through the wooden half-door of the preschool classroom on Tuesday morning. Tears streamed down his face. It was going to be a tough drop-off.

While other children finished bananas, raisin bagels, and milk, Vraja Johnson, the lead teacher, ushered the mother and son toward a cozy corner in the back of the classroom. She spoke softly in English and Spanish to the nervous preschooler. Several minutes later, when his mother had slipped away, the boy nestled into a large blue beanbag clutching Tucker the Turtle, a stuffed animal that helps preschoolers understand that it鈥檚 OK to retreat into your shell 鈥� and to come back out when you鈥檙e ready.

It was the first day of preschool in the Otters classroom at El Nidito, a bilingual child care program at The Family Center in Fort Collins. The little boy and his 11 classmates are among 40,000 children enrolled in Colorado鈥檚 universal preschool program this year. The $349 million program offers tuition-free preschool 鈥� typically a half day 鈥� to all children in the year before kindergarten.

Now entering its third year, Colorado鈥檚 preschool for all program has smoothed out since its . At the time, application system errors, glitches in the , and last-minute reductions in preschool hours for some children caused widespread confusion and frustration.

A national early childhood group in the country for the share of children served by state-funded preschool. Around 70% of the state鈥檚 4-year-olds are enrolled in the program, which generally covers about $6,000 a year in preschool costs per child.

But wrinkles remain. The state is still brought by religious preschools that objected to non-discrimination rules protecting LGBTQ children, families, and employees. Both suits are pending in federal appeals court. And the national early childhood group found that Colorado meets only two of 10 benchmarks meant to ensure that preschool classrooms are high quality.

Currently, the 鈥渦niversal preschool鈥� label doesn鈥檛 indicate anything about the caliber of classroom a child will join. Rather, it simply indicates the state is paying for 10 to 30 hours of class time. Of about 2,000 preschools participating in the program, some have the state鈥檚 lowest rating and meet only basic health and safety standards.

Others, including El Nidito, which has been around for 25 years, have the state鈥檚 highest rating.

A morning in Johnson鈥檚 classroom makes it easy to see why. She and her co-teacher, an experienced sub named Maria Chavira, are warm, cheerful, and organized. Their young charges are curious, silly, and always in motion.

During breakfast, two boys held bananas up to their ears like phones.

鈥淩ing, ring, ring. Hi, Henry,鈥� one said as the other burst out laughing.

Nearby at the sensory table, as one little boy poured dried pinto beans through a cardboard tube, he said, 鈥淒id you ever watch 鈥楤oss Baby?鈥� The baby is a bossssss. Babies can鈥檛 be bosses!鈥�

Meanwhile, the little boy who鈥檇 struggled to leave his mother was getting braver, slowly testing the waters of group play. One minute he crouched next to a little girl in front of a tree house play set. Later, he tried out bear and leopard hand puppets as the Boss Baby skeptic threw Tucker the Turtle up in the air next to him.

Johnson, who switched from a sales and marketing career to early childhood education in 2007, seems to have a sixth sense for detecting imminent meltdowns, skirmishes, and rule-bending.

She quickly peeled away from a conversation with a visitor when a little girl dressed in head-to-toe pink accidentally got a squiggle of red marker on her new cowboy boots.

鈥淵our mom can get that out. The markers are washable,鈥� Johnson said as tears welled in the preschooler鈥檚 eyes.

Then she averted the crisis with five words: 鈥淒o you want a hug?鈥�

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

The Colorado Democrat surprised pundits in April by for governor in the upcoming midterm election. Surrounded at his introductory press conference by a coterie of political notables, and buoyed by impressive , Bennet enjoys a healthy lead in a primary that won鈥檛 be decided for another 11 months. 

Winning the nomination fight would put him in a position to extend a Democratic stranglehold on the governor鈥檚 mansion that began in 2006. If elected, he would succeed Gov. Jared Polis, a fellow businessman-turned-politician who shares much of his reform-minded outlook on K鈥�12 schools; John Hickenlooper, a longtime colleague who prodded Bennet to take a job as superintendent of Denver Public Schools in 2005; and Bill Ritter, who tapped him to serve as senator four years later. With Democratic majorities controlling the state legislature, he would be able to pursue his preferred strategy to lead Colorado students out of of post-COVID learning loss.

Yet a relocation to the statehouse would also represent something of a retreat from national politics. While not quite a media superstar, Bennet has often found his way into Washington鈥檚 spotlight, leading the to permanently expand the Child Tax Credit during the Biden administration. He also sought the presidency in 2020, standing out for in a field that was quickly tacking left. 

Bennet by Washington鈥檚 stagnancy 鈥� and his criticism extends to his own party, which he says lost focus on children and families during the Biden administration. A decade after the end of No Child Left Behind, he believes the Democrats have allowed 鈥渁 complete vacuum鈥� to form on the issue of K鈥�12 schools, opening the way for Republicans to charge ahead with an aggressive push to expand private school choice.

If anyone can offer a vision of educational improvement, it may be Colorado鈥檚 senior senator, who led a four-year turnaround of Denver schools that saw student achievement and high school graduation rates both shoot upward. Though the to achieve those results 鈥� especially heightened accountability for failing schools 鈥� engendered backlash, it is also cited as one of the most successful academic improvements ever seen in a district of its size.

In a conversation with 社区黑料, Bennet said that he doesn鈥檛 intend to lead a revival of 2000s-style reform. Instead, he spoke broadly about building an education system that would usher high school graduates into middle-class careers.

鈥淚 just think this is a moment when people are feeling the economic challenges so acutely, and we’ve got to make the decision to do what every other industrialized and rich country in the world has done: put kids graduating high school in a position to earn a living wage,鈥� he said.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity. 

社区黑料: You’ve been a fairly high-profile senator for 16 years, and now you’re aiming to leave Congress and lead Colorado. Do your plans suggest anything about your level of optimism for education policy at the national level?

I have very little optimism for the future of education policy as it’s made in Washington. In fact, a better way of saying it is that I am completely pessimistic about our ability to deliver the 21st-century education system that our kids and teachers and families desperately need. 

Washington is going in the opposite direction, if anything: The Democratic Party has no national education policy that I can perceive, and the Republican Party has a national policy of dismantling public education and voucherizing it 鈥� to the extent that they’re now incentivizing governors to fund tax credits for kids who want private education. That’s beyond the imagination of people who supported vouchers when I was a school superintendent.

So with respect to education policy at the federal level, we’re at a moment where all there is is wreckage everywhere you turn. That’s terrible for our kids because, just to take one example, our reading scores haven’t been lower for 32 years. The surveys I’ve seen of kids’ and parents’ satisfaction with public education in the wake of COVID are continuing to fall, principally because most kids feel like they’re not being prepared for the century we’re in. 

You mentioned the absence of concrete, consensus ideas about K鈥�12 schools within the Democratic Party. How big of a problem is that, both substantively and politically? I ask because a number of polls have seemed to show Republicans gaining on the issue over the last few years.

Republicans clearly gained ground nationally on education in the aftermath of COVID. That’s shocking because the Democratic Party has always led on education in public opinion. 

I’m proud to come from Colorado, where [Gov.] Jared Polis has been a leader on this subject. We reopened schools in Colorado earlier than in a lot of other states, and I think the governor understood how damaging the school closures were to our kids’ education and mental health because of his deep commitment to education over the years. 

Coming out of COVID, the argument from the Republican Party has essentially been to privatize public education. I really don’t think the American people support that, but Democrats at the national level have provided a complete vacuum. I often ask, at my town halls and the Democratic meetings I have, “What was Joe Biden’s position on public education? What was the Democratic Party’s position at the last election?” Nobody can name anything. Sometimes people come up with free college or deferred student loans, but nobody comes up with anything on K-12. 

To the extent that we focused on anything 鈥� well, Biden did, though I disagreed with him 鈥� it was on student loan forgiveness, which leaves out the vast majority of families and kids in America. All of a sudden, we weren’t talking to parents who had children in our K-12 system, especially those who didn’t plan to go to college. We weren’t talking to the many young people who aren’t attending college but also aren’t prepared to hold a job. We weren’t talking to teachers or people working in schools, either. We just abandoned this project to the Republicans, which was a huge mistake.

Do you think the party’s difficulty in setting policy priorities was particularly evident during the Biden presidency? The failure to include a permanent expansion of the Child Tax Credit in the Build Back Better negotiations of 2021鈥�22 sticks out to me, particularly because it’s been one of your signature issues in the Senate.

It’s definitely fair to say that we didn’t establish a set of priorities that were affordable for the American people. The Child Tax Credit is the most successful anti-poverty measure, and maybe the most successful domestic policy measure, that we have implemented since the 1960s. In the richest country in the world, our goal should be ending childhood poverty. 

I don’t think there’s any greater education reform we could pursue than ending childhood poverty in this country. It’s critical to our country’s future and to the economy’s present, and that’s why it was where I focused. I do agree that there wasn’t a huge amount of policy coherence [during the Biden White House], and it was just a question of what we could get done. In the end, Washington dysfunction didn’t allow the expanded Child Tax Credit to become permanent. Now we see a version of the CTC in Donald Trump’s trickle-down bill, but it has left out millions of the kids in America who could use the credit the most. 

Do you think it’s possible to achieve these kinds of goals at the state level instead? A number of states, including Colorado, have already implemented or expanded their own to directly address child poverty.

I am very pleased that there are states like Colorado and Minnesota and Maryland that have taken that on themselves as a way of expressing the importance of giving kids a fair shot from the very beginning. None of that obviates the need to fix our education system and bring it into the 21st century, which we clearly need to do; but frankly, it’s just not on the agenda in Washington, D.C. There have been many days in Washington when I’ve felt that we’ve treated the nation’s children like they’re someone else’s children and not our own. 

We have a national interest in the fact that our reading scores are below where they were three decades ago. We have a national interest in the fact that our kids feel like the system we have 鈥� whether it’s K-12, higher education or workforce development 鈥� is not preparing them to succeed in this economy. It is of national importance that our kids and adolescents are having an epidemic of mental health problems, which simply did not exist when I was in school, in the wake of COVID and social media. And Washington is just not interested in that.

My view is that this is a moment when the states need to set an example for Washington. If I get the chance to be Colorado’s next governor, I hope we’re going to make Colorado the best place in America to raise and educate a kid.

Do you think Democrats, and state education leaders more broadly, need to coalesce a brand-new education agenda? The classic education reform playbook seemed to yield fairly steady learning gains through the 1990s and 2000s in a number of areas 鈥� like Denver, where you were superintendent 鈥� but have since fallen out of favor.

The results in Denver were extraordinary, but insufficient. We made a huge amount of progress compared to school districts all over the nation, many of which were engaged in the same kinds of reforms we were. We were able to do work in Denver that our community supported, including reforms that have been described as controversial but which had the support of most parents and kids.

It’s not important to re-litigate this now, but the bottom line is that Denver was one of the 10 worst-performing school districts when we started, and by the time Tom Boasberg [Bennet’s successor as superintendent] was leaving, we had risen to the top half of districts in math and reading. Our graduation rates were dramatically improved. I mean, there was a whole list of things we did. 

If we could say the same about America, we’d be feeling a lot better about where we are educationally. If we could say that about Colorado 鈥� I would say that no kids in any other district in the state saw the gains we did in Denver 鈥� we’d feel a lot better. But the reverse is true: We’re going backwards as a nation. In Colorado, there are school districts where the math proficiency rate is 7% for Latino students in eighth grade. The proficiency rate for reading is 24% among Latino and African American students. It’s still the fundamental civil rights issue we face as a nation, and we have not addressed it. The country is becoming less fair, not more, in education.

It is striking that, given the results you’ve cited, the Denver school board has worked to reverse some of the policies you implemented as superintendent. Last year, you and Boasberg that 鈥� it seemed to me 鈥� was intended to defend the honor of the reforms you led. If elected governor, do you intend to fight for the same ideas that animated you as a district leader? 

I’m not coming back to be Colorado’s superintendent of schools. I’m not coming back to impose the same standards-based reform effort that we led in Denver. Times have changed, and we’ve seen the limitations of those reforms. But we also saw huge benefits from the way we engaged our workforce, the quality of implementation, and the ability for parents and kids to have interesting choices of schools throughout the district that met their interests and needs. 

Tom and I weren’t [at that press conference] to defend our honor. We’re proud of the work we did, though we didn’t do it perfectly. It was important for us to be there because the results are so clear. The outcomes were dramatically better than any similarly situated school district that I am aware of in American history. To me, the problem isn’t that our politicians on both the right and the left have abandoned school reform itself. It’s that we’ve abandoned our aspirations for our kids when it comes to their education, period. We can’t tolerate a system that creates the kind of outcomes we’re seeing.

So do you intend for your governorship to be more about issues that have developed since your time in the Senate, such as COVID learning recovery or the spread of four-day school weeks?

You’re right, there are a lot of districts in Colorado, especially rural ones, that have been operating for a long time. I was deeply worried when the city of Pueblo went to a four-day school week. I met with some parents at the Pueblo Boys and Girls Club and asked them what they were going to do with their kids on the fifth day. What they said to me was, “No one asked us whether we’d be okay with our kids not attending school on the fifth day. And by the way, none of us can afford child care.”

Is there any world in which the parents of Cherry Creek or Boulder County would be ignored in making a decision like that about school schedules? I can assure you, there would be no way that the superintendent or school board in those communities could ever get to a four-day week. Families would rebel over the child care costs alone. As I said, I’m not interested in re-litigating the reforms of 20 years ago. I’m interested in our state delivering an education for our young people that is relevant to the economy we have and that can put them in a position to succeed.

For more and more Americans, it feels like no matter how hard you work, you can’t get ahead, and your kids can’t get ahead. We’ve got to move our kids back to the center of our vision of what a successful education system looks like. We’ve got to focus on providing kids with economic opportunity 鈥� either when they decide to go to college or when they take a job that doesn’t require a college degree, but that can allow them to earn a decent wage and enter the middle class. We need to get much more serious about the state of our kids’ mental health, which is something I’ve focused on in the Senate, but that we haven’t been able to do anything about. 

Fundamentally it’s about enlisting the entire state to deal with these problems. There was literally nothing we could have done in Denver all those years ago without the support of a community that wanted better outcomes for their kids and had aspirations for their families that were the same as parents living in wealthy school districts. Urban parents and rural parents, parents of color and white parents, they all have that ambition. 

The fact that we have an obsolete system isn’t anybody’s fault. I’ve been around long enough to know the ways in which people can just keep clinging to the status quo. I just think this is a moment when people are feeling the economic challenges so acutely, and we’ve got to make the decision to do what every other industrialized and rich country in the world has done: put kids graduating high school in a position to earn a living wage.

If you’re successful in this campaign, you’ll be leaving Washington and focusing on the lives of Coloradans. I’m wondering what principles or policy ideas you think your party should try to draw into a national agenda on K-12 schools? I doubt it would just be fighting teachers’ unions or requiring more testing, which were some of the go-to answers in the 2000s.

Well, it’s not that. I think we’ve learned that we were over-testing in those days. We saw the limitations of standards-based reform, and we also saw the difference that could be made through good implementation and extraordinary leadership among principals and teachers. We saw what could be achieved by unleashing the entire community to make our schools better.

Colorado is ready for that. Our families want to focus on getting the benefits of high-quality education, and that’s where I want to focus. If we are putting young people in the position to embark on a middle-class life, we will know we have succeeded in fulfilling our responsibilities to them. And we will know that the resources that we’ve spent on education have allowed kids to fulfill their parents’ dream for them 鈥� to do better than they did, and to contribute to our democracy as well.

During Gayathri Ramkumar鈥檚 favorite lesson 鈥� a sort of mathematical guessing game 鈥� she鈥檒l hear her students asking their partners things like, 鈥淐an you tell me the degree of the polynomial?鈥�

Not only does the back-and-forth get the high-schoolers talking precisely about mathematical problems, but it helps English learners boost their language skills without forcing them to talk in front of the whole class.

Ramkumar is a math and computer science teacher at Aurora Central High School, one of Colorado鈥檚 most diverse schools, where about half of the students are learning English.

She is also one of named a semifinalist for the state鈥檚 2026 Teacher of the Year award. The winner will be announced in October.

Ramkumar talked to Chalkbeat about why she switched careers, how she incorporates educational influences from India and America into her lessons, and what advice she gives to college-bound students.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Was there a moment when you decided to become a teacher?

My journey into teaching wasn鈥檛 one of those stories where I always knew I wanted to be an educator. In fact, 25 years ago, fresh out of high school, I never would have imagined myself in a classroom. It was only after stepping away from engineering work to raise my kids that I unexpectedly discovered a love for teaching. Teaching them reading and math before they started school wasn鈥檛 just a responsibility; it became something I genuinely enjoyed. That experience sparked a passion in me, one I hadn鈥檛 realized was there, and it ultimately led me down the path to becoming a licensed teacher.

How did your own experience in school influence your approach to teaching?

I completed both my high school and bachelor鈥檚 degree in India, where the teaching style was very traditional. From an early age, I was used to taking extensive notes and doing a large volume of homework. Teaching in the U.S. has given me the opportunity to reflect on and compare both educational systems. I strive to integrate the best aspects of each into my own teaching approach. For example, when planning a math lesson, I draw inspiration from problem-based U.S. curricula such as Illustrative Mathematics and Desmos, which I鈥檝e come to truly appreciate and enjoy. At the same time, I firmly believe in the value of practice, and I incorporate worksheets that I鈥檝e found effective from my own experience as a math student in India.

Tell us about a favorite lesson to teach.

As a concurrent enrollment math teacher at the high school level, I strive to maintain the academic rigor of college-level math while also making it accessible, engaging, and developmentally appropriate for high school students. I always try to create lessons where students are engaging in content through exploration, discovery, and collaboration long before formal definitions or procedures are introduced.

One such lesson, adapted from Illustrative Math, was called 鈥淚nfo Gap.鈥� The format supports precise mathematical communication and problem-solving. The lesson鈥檚 purpose was for students to put together what they have learned about sketching graphs of polynomials in factored form and factoring polynomials using division. Students worked in pairs, each receiving one of two card types. One student had the problem card with the problem that needed to be solved but lacked certain key details, such as its degree, intercepts, or end behavior. The other student held the data card containing the missing data, but they were not allowed to simply hand over the answers. Instead, the student with the problem card had to ask thoughtful, specific questions and explain their reasoning for needing that information to solve the problem.

One of the most powerful outcomes was the lesson鈥檚 support for multilingual learners. In whole-class settings, these students often hesitate to participate due to limited confidence with academic English. However, they had the chance to use vocabulary like 鈥渮eros,鈥� 鈥渕ultiplicity,鈥� and 鈥渄egree鈥� in a low-pressure context. This dialogue supported both math learning and language development.

There was not a dull moment in the classroom. Students were engaged in meaningful dialogue, constructing knowledge collectively, and supporting each other鈥檚 understanding. It was a moment that reaffirmed my belief in student-centered learning.

You help guide first-generation students through the college application process. What is your most important piece of advice for them?

I always encourage my students to take full advantage of by applying to all in-state public universities, even if they鈥檙e planning to go out of state. Plans can change unexpectedly, and having solid backup options can reduce stress later on. I also advise them to answer every question on the college application thoroughly, including those marked optional.

Tell us about a memorable time 鈥� good or bad 鈥� when contact with a student鈥檚 family changed your perspective or approach.

One memorable moment that really shifted my perspective was when I received a message from my student鈥檚 mother after I was selected as a semifinalist for Teacher of the Year. She congratulated me warmly and said she was proud to see someone from the immigrant community being recognized. She also told me she would be sharing the news in parent group chats to celebrate the accomplishment.

That message meant a great deal to me. It reminded me that the work I do doesn鈥檛 go unnoticed. It helped me realize that beyond academics, I鈥檓 serving as a role model and a source of representation for families in our school community. It was a humbling moment that gave me a deeper sense of purpose and a renewed commitment to advocacy, especially for students and families who may not always feel seen or heard.

What鈥檚 something happening in the community that affects what goes on in your classroom?

One thing that deeply influences my classroom is the current political climate and the emotional toll it takes on our community, especially immigrant families and first-generation college students. Many of my students are navigating fear, financial instability, and uncertainty about their futures, all while trying to succeed academically. These pressures create setbacks in the classroom, but not because of a lack of ability or motivation.

As an educator, my role extends beyond academics. I advocate for my students by helping connect them with school counselors, former students, and college access programs. I collaborate with families to ensure they feel informed and supported. I also offer extra academic support through flexible office hours, tutoring sessions, and culturally responsive teaching strategies that validate students鈥� identities. My ultimate goal is to help students not just survive, but thrive, and to remind them that college and long-term success are within their reach, even when the path feels uncertain.

What was your biggest misconception that you initially brought to teaching?

When I first started my licensure process, I didn鈥檛 realize how much advocacy teachers do for their students, their colleagues, and the community in general. Teachers are constantly and relentlessly advocating for better and equitable school policies and systemic structure in addition to teaching the content that they are actually hired for.

What are you reading for enjoyment?

I enjoy reading historical fiction books, specifically by Ken Follett. Recently, I have been enjoying fantasy fiction.

This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at ckbe.at/newsletters.