Kate was ultimately diagnosed with dyslexia, and the ensuing years of private school and tutors it took to get her the help she needed shaped the lives of both her parents. In Baton Rouge, Laura opened a charter school for students with dyslexia. In Washington, the moderate Republican advocates for changes in federal policy. 

Now ranking member of the Senate education committee, Sen. Cassidy has a powerful perch from which to draw attention to a reading disability that affects an estimated Americans. 鈥淎t some point you’ve got to concede that the status quo is not working,鈥� he told 社区黑料. 鈥淚f you look at reading scores, they’ve not budged.鈥�

But student achievement hasn鈥檛 budged much at Louisiana Key Academy either. The school, which Laura Cassidy co-founded in 2013, has never earned higher than an F in the state鈥檚 school grading system. Its performance score this year 鈥� based mostly on state test results 鈥� is 39.9, compared to a .

At the same time, the school has won praise for providing targeted, foundational literacy instruction for students who were grade levels behind in their traditional schools. Parents whose children failed to develop reading skills in district schools, even with special education, have watched them gain confidence and earn good grades at Key. The state board recently granted the charter approval to expand to two additional sites and add a high school. 

鈥淭here is huge demand for Key Academy,鈥� said Caroline Roemer, executive director of the Louisiana Association of Public Charter Schools. But though the school is clearly filling a void, officials shouldn鈥檛 let up on holding charters like Key accountable for students鈥� progress, she said.

鈥淲e will never say choice is enough,鈥� she said. Academic improvement should also be the objective, she said, bluntly adding that it鈥檚 important for schools to find 鈥渢he balance between the power of choice [and] the expectation that the goal is to suck less.鈥�

The earlier, the better 

At a time of heightened interest in how children learn to read, the Cassidys鈥� combined work demonstrates the challenges 鈥� and also, the paradoxes 鈥� facing families with dyslexic children and the schools they attend.

To Laura Cassidy, a retired surgeon, the F on the state鈥檚 report card is not a reflection of dyslexic students鈥� ability to learn. Many arrive in third, fourth and fifth grade when parents realize they aren鈥檛 catching up with their peers. 

鈥淎fter January, most traditional schools teach to the [state test], and we don’t do that. We’re trying to produce fluent readers,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he earlier they come to our school, the better because they’re in an environment where they’re like, 鈥極h, OK, I’m not the only one who was struggling with this and I’m not stupid.鈥� 鈥� 

Despite the F, the school earns a B from the state for student progress. Its performance score has increased since 2019 when it was 36.3. 

When their children are younger, many parents are more concerned with their improvement than hitting state proficiency targets, said DeJunn茅 Clark Jackson, president of the nonprofit Center for Literacy and Learning, near New Orleans. But as they prepare for graduation, those grades tend to matter more,

鈥淭he reality is the school is swimming upstream,鈥� said Jackson, also a leader of parent advocacy group Decoding Dyslexia Louisiana. But it鈥檚 鈥渞eaching parents in a place of desperation.鈥�

Angela Normand hit that point when her son Max was in third grade. He was getting D鈥檚 and F鈥檚 in reading at his school in Tangipahoa Parish, about 40 miles from Baton Rouge. Teachers told her that boys sometimes learn to read more slowly than girls. But even with special education, he didn鈥檛 improve.

He entered Key Academy in January 2020, and within two months, 鈥渉e was reading every sign on every building,鈥� she said. Despite remote learning through the end of the school year, Max鈥檚 reading skills grew stronger. Now in sixth grade, he has five A鈥檚 and one B. 

She said the 鈥渦nfair, inaccurate grade鈥� the state gives the school has probably deterred other parents from exploring whether Key Academy can help their children.

鈥楾he plight of families鈥�

The low grade hasn鈥檛 hurt state support. When the school first renewed its charter in 2018, the board added an to evaluate schools that serve students well below grade level. While Key Academy students must still take the Louisiana Educational Assessment Program, the schools also give additional standardized tests that measure students鈥� phonological, fluency and vocabulary skills.

State accountability systems 鈥渁re not set up to deal with a school like this,鈥� said John White, former Louisiana state superintendent. The adults responsible for Key Academy鈥檚 students, he added, 鈥渨ere not the adults who were there for the origin of the students’ struggles.鈥�

He credited the Cassidys for simultaneously 鈥渄rawing attention to the plight of families鈥� whose children have dyslexia and advancing school choice. 

A second school opened this year in Covington, east of Baton Rouge, despite opposition from the local St. Tammany Parish district, where there has never been a charter. A third site will open in Shreveport next year. An October report from the state board, supporting the expansion, said the charter offers 鈥渃ompelling evidence鈥� for its model and would provide something that doesn鈥檛 otherwise exist in that area.

The Cassidys, meanwhile, have advocated for reforms that would impact all Louisiana schools, including that recognizes training in dyslexia therapy in teacher licensing. 

鈥楴ot blue or red鈥�

At the federal level, Sen. Cassidy鈥� still a practicing gastroenterologist 鈥� focuses on some of the same thorny issues facing dyslexic students. He demonstrated his awareness of those challenges during a committee hearing last summer on pandemic learning loss.

鈥淒id they fall further behind than their peers?鈥� he asked Connecticut Education Commissioner Charlene Russell-Tucker about students with reading disabilities. 鈥淒o you screen children for dyslexia?鈥� 

And he in 2021 that would make dyslexia a separate disability under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. Currently, it鈥檚 part of a larger 鈥渟pecific learning disability鈥� category. The change, he said, would draw more attention to dyslexia and help ensure students get help earlier, especially since don鈥檛 require screening.

But his bill faces resistance from some special education advocates. Denise Marshall, CEO of the Council of Parent Attorneys and Advocates, said learning disabilities 鈥渢end to co-occur鈥� and that removing dyslexia from that category might cause educators to miss other needs.

White, Louisiana鈥檚 former state superintendent, hopes Sen. Cassidy鈥檚 role on the committee will also prompt conversation about foundational reading skills at a time when states and districts have federal relief funds to train teachers and purchase curriculum.

鈥淣ow,鈥� he said, 鈥渨ould be an opportunity for some leadership in Washington to say, 鈥楲ets connect the dots.鈥� 鈥� 

Sen. Cassidy said Sen. Bernie Sanders, the committee chair, will set the agenda. But he hopes to work with Democrats on the issue, mentioning Sen. John Hickenlooper of Colorado, who about own struggles with dyslexia, and Sen. Maggie Hassan, who in 2016 when she was governor of New Hampshire.

鈥淭his issue is not blue or red,鈥� Sen. Cassidy said. 鈥淭his is, 鈥楧o I care about a child achieving potential even if the child learns differently?鈥� I’d like to think that would give us a lot of common ground.鈥�

Now that the Democrats will stay in control of the Senate next year, Vermont聽Sen. Bernie Sanders, a far-left independent, has officially announced his intention to chair the education committee. According to a statement from his office, he’ll likely focus more on higher education and health care issues than K-12.

Meanwhile, conservative Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky 鈥� in line to be the top Republican on the committee 鈥斅爐hat he will instead take the role of ranking member on the聽Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee. That leaves Louisiana Sen. Dr. Bill Cassidy as the next Republican in line for the job. Cassidy, an advocate for , is also considering a

The progessive believes in free college for all and wants to triple funding for poor schools.

The conservative once campaigned to abolish the U.S. Department of Education.

One is the son of a former Libertarian Party candidate for president and sounds a consistent drumbeat on schools: The federal government should stay out.

The other, ranked by one scorecard, is a self-described democratic socialist known for pushing just one education cut 鈥� to charter schools.

But in the latest example of the nation鈥檚 topsy-turvy politics, Vermont Independent Bernie Sanders and Kentucky Republican Rand Paul will soon be first in line to run the Senate education committee.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e a heck of an odd couple,鈥� said Rick Hess, a senior fellow and director of education policy studies at the conservative American Enterprise Institute.

鈥淎lpha and omega,鈥� quipped Jack Jennings, a retired education policy expert and former Democratic staffer for the House.

Depending on the outcome of this week鈥檚 election, the two firebrands are the top contenders to be chair and ranking member of the Senate HELP Committee, which also oversees health, labor and pension issues. While it may seem increasingly inaptly named in an era of gridlock and rabid partisanship, the committee wields considerable power, overseeing a $235 billion education budget and issues from special education to preventing sexual harassment and discrimination in schools.

With Republicans already proposing to restrict lessons on gender identity and sexual orientation and the Biden administration engulfed in a to wipe out billions of dollars in student loan debt, there鈥檚 plenty of potential for the two to clash. Neither senator鈥檚 office responded to requests for comment.

The succession battle is triggered by the expected transition of longtime chair Patty Murray of Washington to a leadership position on the appropriations committee 鈥� that is, if she wins  against a suddenly formidable challenger鈥�  and the retirement of ranking member Sen. Richard Burr of North Carolina.

From COVID closures to parent protests at school board meetings, the committee has seen its share of hot-button topics over the past two years. While hearings have been clearly partisan, Murray and Burr have kept the tone fairly civil.

Bethany Little, principal at EducationCounsel, a consulting firm, sees it as the end of an era in which members wanted 鈥渢o get things done.鈥� That鈥檚 how it was, she said, when she worked for the committee under former Democratic chairs Edward Kennedy and Tom Harkin. 

鈥淭here is a shift in the posture of the people taking charge and their interest in making a deal and being able to find middle ground,鈥� she said.

The ascendency of Sanders/Paul 鈥� or Paul/Sanders 鈥� is by no means assured. Earlier this year, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said he expects Paul to run the committee if the GOP flips the Senate. But first, Paul has to defend his seat in Congress, which he鈥檚 expected to do in solidly Republican Kentucky. Sanders, for his part, would have to give up chairmanship of the budget committee. 

Some say that鈥檚 a switch he鈥檇 be likely to make. 

The senator 鈥済ot his green money,鈥� Hess said, referring to climate-related provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act. But for free preschool and community college, part of the original version of that bill, fell by the wayside. 

Sanders recently said he鈥檇 like to revive efforts to pass what he has described as 鈥渢ransformational鈥� programs for families, such as the larger child tax credit that was part of the American Rescue Plan. But he never wanted to stop at two years of free community college. He wants to be free and for the federal government to cancel all student debt.

As an advocate for , the chairmanship would also allow him to lead the panel that oversees the government鈥檚 various health-related agencies.

Health care issues might also be a reason why Paul, an eye surgeon, would savor the chance to chair the committee. Paul is known for his regular with medical adviser Dr. Anthony Fauci over COVID policies and vaccines. Paul wants to investigate allegations that tie Fauci to the virus鈥檚 creation by funding research in China. While Fauci categorically denies the allegations, an Oct. 20 Paul fundraising email declares, 鈥淚f you help me win, I promise to subpoena every last document of Dr. Fauci鈥檚 unprecedented coverup.鈥�

鈥淗e鈥檚 so off the rails on just about everything,鈥� said Charles Barone, a former Democratic staffer in the Senate and now vice president of K-12 policy with Democrats for Education Reform, a think tank. 鈥淗is level of combativeness and his general aversion to anything bipartisan is problematic.鈥�

Paul was the among the handful of Republicans to the Every Student Succeeds Act in 2015. Aside from wanting to put Education Secretary Miguel Cardona out of a job, he also proposes sending federal directly to parents.

Jennings said moderate Republicans on the committee 鈥� Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah 鈥� could mitigate some of Paul鈥檚  rhetoric.

But as for the Vermont senator, he said, 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think there鈥檚 any restraint on Sanders. He speaks his mind.鈥�

As Election Day nears, predictions on whether Democrats will hold onto the Senate change almost by the hour. According to election forecaster FiveThirtyEight, they are now in a with Republicans, who in the polls.

Regardless of who leads the committee, as long as one party holds a slim majority, there鈥檚 little chance members would advance bipartisan bills, said Michelle Dimino, deputy director of education for Third Way, a center-left think tank. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 more likely to stay in the realm of hearings and investigations,鈥� she said. 

Hess said he could see Republicans questioning how districts are spending COVID relief money, and Jennings added that they would likely try to stop the Biden administration鈥檚 move to cancel student debt.

鈥淭here鈥檚 enough for them to muck around in,鈥� Jennings said.

Possible common ground

Despite their differences, the two iconoclasts have one thing in common: They are both known for bucking their own parties 鈥� a trait that could make them occasional allies. One issue where the pair could find common ground is testing and accountability. the federal requirements to assess students annually as 鈥淲ashington鈥檚 intrusion into the classroom,鈥� and Sanders is an of standardized testing.

They might also find agreement on protecting student privacy. Paul has sought to roll back government surveillance programs, and Sanders is 鈥渨ary about big tech collecting data鈥� on students, said Lindsay Fryer, senior vice president of Penn Hill Group, an education lobbying firm.

Paul is also up for the top Republican seat on the homeland security committee and has said he doesn鈥檛 plan to make until after the election. That committee the , which would still give Paul a chance to put his stamp on expanding school choice.

Republicans want to see the program, which serves about 1,800 students, have 鈥渟table financial footing,鈥� said Lindsey Burke, director of the Center for Education Policy at the conservative Heritage Foundation. Right now, she said, it exists 鈥渁t the whim of Congress.鈥�

American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten is among those who probably hopes he鈥檒l choose homeland security. She told 社区黑料 that the prospect of him leading the education committee 鈥渁bsolutely鈥� keeps her up at night as she travels the country for Democratic candidates.

Given how far apart the parties are on education, leaders might have no problem with Paul and Sanders promoting their out-of-the-mainstream ideas.

But the opposite could also be true. 

Hess said Republicans could regret giving more attention to the idea of eliminating the education department. Likewise, he said, the 鈥淒emocrats might be better off if Sanders doesn’t have such a visible, public platform to talk about giving money away.鈥�

社区黑料鈥檚 senior reporter Jo Napolitano contributed to this report.