Both these goals could be scuttled by an alarming increase in the number of young children who lack access to healthcare. Our new shows that nearly 1.2 million children under age 6 were uninsured in 2024, and that number has been on the rise, with about 220,000 of them losing coverage between 2022 and 2024. That鈥檚 a 23% hike, larger than the increase seen for older children. It brings the rate of uninsured youngsters to its highest level in nearly a decade.听

Drawn from U.S. Census Bureau data, the numbers are a harbinger of what鈥檚 to come, given the nearly $1 trillion in Medicaid cuts that Congress approved in 2025. Some under age 19 have been disenrolled since January 2025, signaling real potential for these trends to grow worse.  

The children under age 6 include newborn babies, toddlers, preschoolers and kindergartners 鈥� all going through key stages of brain development that require regular well-child visits and follow-up appointments to assess their physical and social-emotional health. The American Academy of Pediatrics’ evidence-based recommend 12 check-ups by age 3 to help ensure that children are developing properly and receiving necessary preventive care.

links expanding Medicaid eligibility to improved fourth and eighth grade reading scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress. That likely means that health providers are identifying the sort of developmental delays and disabilities that can keep young children from learning to read 鈥� and that youngsters are receiving early interventions that can help to turn these problems around before kindergarten. These issues become harder and more expensive to address when children are older. 

Access to medical care can also ensure that children miss fewer days of school. 鈥� even in preschool and kindergarten 鈥� add up to weaker reading skills and math skills later. National trends show that young students miss the most school days in these early grades.

Our analysis found that more than half of states saw in the number or rate of uninsured young children between 2022 and 2024. Connecticut actually saw its rate drop during that period. But 16 states saw significant increases. More than 73,000 children under age 6 joined the ranks of the uninsured in Texas, where 253,000 youngsters 鈥� 1 in 10 鈥�  lack coverage. In Florida, 27,000 young children became uninsured, bringing the state鈥檚 total to nearly 104,000. In North Dakota, the number of young children is far smaller, but the rate of those uninsured jumped from 5.3% to 9.8% in just two years.

Much of the change can be attributed to the end of pandemic-era protections that kept children enrolled in Medicaid and the Children鈥檚 Health Insurance Program. When the federal requirement for continuous coverage expired, hundreds of thousands of children lost their insurance. 

In some cases, their families no longer qualified for the healthcare programs offered for lower-income children. But in far more instances, children lost coverage because of administrative hurdles, red tape or even .听

Most of those who lost coverage are U.S. citizens. While we do not yet have data to show trends in 2025 and 2026, we are concerned about the ways stricter immigration enforcement is creating a on Medicaid enrollment. In some places, families with children who are citizens declined to enroll them for fear that their participation could endanger family members. The Trump administration鈥檚 aggressive seem likely to exacerbate that trend. 

So will a new requirement that all low-income adults on Medicaid prove that they are looking for work. It may seem counterintuitive that a provision aimed at adults would affect health access for children, but past show that when parents lose access to Medicaid, their kids as well.

So what can states do to turn these trends around?

The first step is to ensure more young children don鈥檛 lose their health coverage. That means paying careful attention to Medicaid and CHIP, which currently cover nearly three-fourths of all low-income children under age 6. of the nation’s uninsured children were likely eligible but not enrolled in these programs in 2019, the most recent year for which data is available. Historically, that number is closer to two-thirds.

Keeping kids enrolled in Medicaid helps parents afford and needed interventions for physical and emotional health concerns in the early years. These steps pay dividends later on by preventing children from needing special education services and other costly support when they鈥檙e older.  

State leaders should review their rules to ensure new enrollment and renewal requirements for adults don鈥檛 affect their children鈥檚 coverage. They and their community partners can help families understand that changes to parents鈥� coverage need not affect children. 

Unlike adults, children in every state are entitled to 12 months of uninterrupted coverage. State lawmakers can take that a step further by monitoring children鈥檚 enrollment to ensure the state is correctly implementing for all children covered by Medicaid, and by investing in community-based outreach and enrollment assistance. 

allow continuous eligibility for young children for up to five years, keeping them covered from birth to kindergarten; many cite school readiness among their objectives. Unfortunately, the Trump administration has said it will not policies, effectively taking this promising tool off the table. 

that young children with access to health coverage are more likely than those without to graduate from high school and college, and even grow up to earn more money and pay more in taxes. Medicaid is a smart investment that can keep young children on track to learn and succeed in life, providing long-term benefits for families and society as well. States should take every possible step to protect coverage for infants, toddlers and preschoolers to maximize this investment.

Three top Senate Democrats are accusing the Trump administration and Republicans of 鈥渢aking a wrecking ball鈥� to childcare programs, highlighting the issue in a midterm year where many Democrats are running on inflation and the high cost of living.

Childcare costs have skyrocketed in recent decades, outpacing inflation. There鈥檚 bipartisan consensus on the crisis: an found that 76 percent of Americans, including over 70 percent of independents and Republicans, view the cost of childcare as 鈥渁 major problem.鈥� 

Democrats have long highlighted the issue, but many Republican politicians also agree there鈥檚 a problem 鈥� if not on the solutions to it. Republicans, who largely oppose major new spending on social programs, control the White House and both chambers of Congress, meaning that Democratic-controlled states and cities like New York City and New Mexico have been taking the lead on major investments aimed at making childcare more accessible. 

Now, in a new report, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and two fellow Senate Democrats are accusing the GOP of having 鈥渋nflamed the childcare crisis.鈥� 

The report on childcare from Schumer and Democratic Sens. Patty Murray of Washington and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, released Tuesday and shared first with The 19th, is the latest in a series of reports highlighting what Schumer says are the Trump administration鈥檚 鈥渂roken promises鈥� in areas including healthcare, housing and energy affordability. 

Even as childcare costs rise for families, wages for childcare providers remain low and draw fewer workers, creating a shortage of childcare slots and leaving many providers in a precarious position, especially since the funds Congress passed to stabilize the childcare industry during the COVID-19 pandemic have run out.

鈥淧eople in the richest country in the world should not view child care as a financial burden,鈥� Schumer said in a statement. 鈥淪enate Democrats are fighting to lower costs while continuing to expose how Trump and his administration鈥檚 continued broken promises have led to families struggling to make ends meet.鈥�

The report from Schumer, Murray and Warren charges that President Donald Trump and Republicans have 鈥渁bandoned America鈥檚 children and families鈥� by passing tax breaks for the wealthy and pursuing the war with Iran. 

鈥淭rump promised no new wars and lower costs 鈥� he broke that promise and even insisted that America couldn鈥檛 pay for child care because we had to pay for wars instead,鈥� Murray said in a statement. 鈥淢eanwhile, Democrats are putting forward an agenda that will make life more affordable for American families in all 50 states 鈥� and we鈥檙e making high-quality, affordable child care a top priority.鈥�

The Democrats point to Trump’s comments in April, when he 鈥渢he United States can鈥檛 pay for daycare鈥� because of the conflict in the Middle East, saying: 鈥淚t鈥檚 not possible for us to take care of daycare, Medicaid, Medicare, all these individual things.鈥�     

鈥淭he fact is that Trump and Republicans have done nothing to address the child care crisis in this country 鈥� in reality, they have made it worse,鈥� the report says. 鈥淩ather than lowering the costs of child care for the American people, Trump has taken a wrecking ball to federal programs and infrastructure that help American families access affordable child care.鈥澛�

The Schumer-led report charged that the Trump administration has 鈥渟ystemically attacked and undermined early childhood education programs鈥� with funding pauses, delays and personnel cuts at offices overseeing the federal government鈥檚 funding of childcare and , which funds early learning for low-income children. It also accused the administration of 鈥渨aging an all-out war鈥� on the childcare sector by freezing over $2 billion in federal childcare funds to five Democratic-controlled states over in childcare programs.  

Lawmakers in both chambers of Congress have introduced bipartisan proposals on childcare, and Republicans are also embracing the issue. Republican Reps. Ashley Hinson of Iowa, a candidate for U.S. Senate, and Ryan Mackenzie of Pennsylvania, who is seeking reelection in a competitive district, are among the cosponsors of the recently introduced bipartisan Child Care Modernization Act. 

鈥淔amily is at the heart of everything I do, and I鈥檒l keep fighting to make it easier to raise one,鈥�  

Mackenzie highlighted the rapidly increasing costs of childcare about the bill, saying: 鈥淚t鈥檚 more important than ever that we deliver the relief and reform that working families need to thrive.鈥�  

Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, a fellow Pennsylvania Republican, cosponsored a bipartisan bill to expand a tax deduction for teachers to early childhood educators that . He鈥檚 also a cosponsor of the Improving Child Care for Working Families Act with Democratic Rep. Kim Schrier of Washington. 

But there鈥檚 been little appetite among Republicans for the kind of large-scale federal investments many Democrats argue are needed to make childcare affordable and accessible nationwide. Warren and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York , the Childcare for Every Community Act, which proposes new federal investments to create universal and affordable childcare. 

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, Republicans鈥� party-line tax-and-spending bill passed last year, expanded some childcare subsidies and tax credits used by parents and employers, changes that experts said primarily benefit middle- and higher-income families. The Democrats鈥� report noted that childcare costs are especially burdensome for the lowest-income families and that 鈥渕any parents 鈥� disproportionately women 鈥� are forced out of the labor market as they simply cannot afford the high cost of care.鈥� 

Democrats have also criticized the bill for cutting Medicaid and food assistance programs, which many of the lowest-income families rely on. Federal cuts, combined with the COVID-era federal childcare funds running out and other economic pressures, have, in turn, .

鈥淎mericans are drowning under child care costs that just keep going up, and instead of doing anything to fix it, Donald Trump slashed the programs that help families afford care and gave billion-dollar tax handouts to giant corporations,鈥� Warren said in a statement. 鈥淔ixing the affordability crisis in this country means delivering universal child care, and Democrats are fighting to get it done.鈥�

In the absence of major federal action, some Democratic-controlled states and cities are leading the charge on universal childcare. And as Democrats focus on affordability in their messaging ahead of the 2026 midterms, candidates across the country are campaigning on universal childcare, universal pre-K and early childhood education.    

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who and is working with Gov. Kathy Hochul to phase in his childcare plan, recently made New York the first city to open . New Mexico also became the first state in the country to families last year. 

The state鈥檚 departing Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham told The 19th that New Mexico鈥檚 investment also raised salaries and expanded benefits for childcare providers, a woman-dominated industry. 鈥淚t鈥檚 time,鈥� she said, 鈥渢hat America embraces universal childcare.鈥�  

鈥淲hen people refer to states like ours that still have some deep-rooted poverty issues, if we can do it, then anyone can do it,鈥� Lujan Grisham said in an April interview. 鈥淚’m not suggesting that it is a quick, 24-hour fix. 鈥� It took us all this time to build it out, but it is doable. And I think it could be some of the most important, impactful set of services and legislation for New Mexico families, and then a blueprint for American families, since the FDR investments in Social Security.鈥�

In remarks at the Center for American Progress鈥� IDEAS conference last month, Warren argued that Republicans are 鈥渇umbling the childcare issue at the most basic level.鈥� She also criticized her own party for not making major investments in childcare in its major party-line spending bills when Democrats controlled Congress for the first two years of President Joe Biden鈥檚 presidency, saying 鈥渨e lost childcare because not enough Democrats who were already in office were willing to fight for it.鈥�

鈥淚t would be political malpractice for Democrats not to be talking about childcare every chance we get, going into the midterms and beyond,鈥� Warren said. 鈥淲hen I look at the upcoming Democratic presidential primary, every 2028 candidate who understands what鈥檚 happening in this country, who wants to win, and who will deliver for families, will make universal childcare a core piece of their agenda.鈥�   

was originally reported by Grace Panetta of . Meet Grace and of their reporting on gender, politics and policy.

A recent from the Buffett Early Childhood Institute at the University of Nebraska offers new insights into the extent of the field鈥檚 attrition rates, finding that only 56% of the early care and education workforce that was active in 2023 remained active two years later. 

In other words, between 2023 and 2025, 44% of staff working directly with children 鈥� such as teachers, program directors and owners 鈥� left the workforce, representing a loss of nearly 90,000 early childhood educators across the eight states that participated in the analysis. 

鈥淚 figured it would be high,鈥� said Alexandra Daro, director of applied research at the Buffett Early Childhood Institute and an author of the report. 鈥淚 was surprised it was that high. 鈥� That鈥檚 insane.鈥�

Consistent, stable caregivers are critically important for young children鈥檚 development, noted Linda Smith, another author of the report who recently left the institute to lead The Child Care Trust, a nonprofit focused on early childhood policy solutions. Yet the field lacks good measures of how often early educators leave their jobs.

To better understand staff turnover, researchers at Buffett looked at data from state workforce registries, which are systems that track information about the early childhood workforce, including each employee鈥檚 age, role, credentials and participation in the workforce over time. The report focused on staff working in licensed early childhood programs, including both center- and home-based settings. 

Of the 45 states with a confirmed workforce registry, eight ultimately agreed to participate in the analysis, Daro said. The participating states were Illinois, Maine, Montana, Nevada, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania and Tennessee. 

In 2023, those eight states had about 205,000 early childhood educators in their registry data. By 2025, that number had dropped to under 116,000. 

The state-level findings show a wider range of outcomes. Turnover was lowest in Maine, at 39%. It was highest in Montana (62%), followed by Tennessee (61%). 

Of the six states that provided registry data broken down by role, turnover rates were highest among teaching staff, with center-based assistant teachers especially likely to leave. This is notable, Smith said, because 鈥渢he single biggest factor for outcomes for children is the quality of adult interactions.鈥� When new teachers are frequently cycling through a program, it becomes difficult for children to develop strong bonds with them, creating fewer opportunities for high-quality interactions. 

One of the most interesting findings from the analysis, both Daro and Smith said, is the impact of educational attainment on retention rates. Educators who had an early childhood-specific degree or credential, such as the nationally recognized Child Development Associate, or an associate or bachelor鈥檚 degree in early childhood education, were more likely to remain in their roles two years later. 

Daro called early childhood credentials a 鈥減rotective factor鈥� for the workforce, given how much they seem to contribute to retention. 

The researchers found that, compared to a 56% retention rate among all educators included in the eight-state analysis, 70% of educators with an associate degree in early childhood education remained in the workforce, 65% of educators with a CDA credential remained, and 63% of educators with a general associate degree did. 

鈥淐hildcare is hard work. It鈥檚 hard, physical work,鈥� said Smith. 鈥淚f you鈥檙e not trained to understand basic child development, how you react to child behaviors varies.鈥� 

But educators with a CDA, on the other hand, 鈥渒now what to do,鈥� she added. 鈥淭hey know how to manage children.鈥�

Daro believes that, with three more states currently in the process of implementing a state workforce registry, the field is getting close to being able to look at the national turnover rate in early care and education using this kind of detailed registry data. 

In the meantime, there is much to be learned from what these results from the eight states show, she said: High turnover rates, on top of low compensation and inconsistent qualifications among educators, adds to the volatility and instability of the early care and education sector. But educational attainment, particularly through a targeted early childhood education degree or credential, may offer a path forward.

The takeaway, Smith said, is clear: 鈥淲e need people trained in early childhood and child development. When they have that, they tend to stay.鈥�

After the birth of her son, Rex, in 2019, Jasmin Almendarez realized childcare costs in central Texas were so high that returning to work no longer made economic sense. 

鈥淚 didn鈥檛 want to spend that much time away, pay all of that, and then get minimal time for my first baby.鈥� But by the time Rex was 3, she noticed signs of a speech delay, so she decided it would be best to send him to an early learning program to increase his interactions with peers. She began researching local options and reached out to Pre-K 4 SA, a preschool not far from her home in San Antonio. 

She visited the program, which was in a brand new building with a spacious outdoor play area. The staff was friendly, she said, and meals were included. She didn鈥檛 think such an in-demand location would have an opening for Rex, but they did 鈥� and she was surprised to learn that he could attend at no cost to her. 

Pre-K 4 SA is a citywide early childhood education initiative that operates multiple preschools across San Antonio. Rex, like 80% of children enrolled in the program, qualified for a full scholarship.

After one year, Almendarez said she noticed improvements in his speech. Rex learned his letters and how to count, and even how to swim. When her second son, Raiden, turned 3, she enrolled him as well. Now, pregnant with her third child, she hopes to enroll the baby in the Pre-K 4 SA pilot program for infants and toddlers. She also hopes to put her degree in early childhood education to use and be hired as a teacher in the program. 

Like Almendarez, Mariana Rios was hesitant to send her daughter Emma to preschool. Her husband鈥檚 family is Salvadoran and believed young children should stay home with a parent or relative. But Rios and her husband were intrigued by the quality of education that Pre-K 4 SA offered and decided to enroll Emma in 2023. Because of the sliding-scale cost model, Emma鈥檚 tuition was only $128 per month. 

When Emma began kindergarten after two years at the preschool, Rios recalled her teacher saying she could spot the kids who had attended Pre-K 4 SA based on their exemplary behavioral and social skills. Her mother-in-law, once a vocal skeptic of preschool, now encourages other family members to talk to Rios about the benefits of the program.

From modest backing to broad support for early childhood 

Emma, Rex and Raiden are just three of more than 23,000 children who have gone through Pre-K 4 SA since the program began in 2013. The first two locations opened their doors to 4-year-olds shortly after San Antonio voters in 2012 to add a 鈪�-cent city sales tax to fund early childhood programs. One-eight of a cent was the maximum increase the city could make, according to Texas law, which caps sales tax at .听

The sales tax revenue, which has steadily grown, has come to serve as a dedicated revenue source for the program鈥檚 five locations. At the time of its proposal, the tax was estimated to . In 2025, it brought in , the bulk of Pre-K 4 SA鈥檚 $61.2 million annual revenue. 

The path to building a designated funding source for early childhood education was complicated. The idea for Pre-K 4 SA came from then-Mayor Juli谩n Castro, who created a , featuring prominent local business leaders, to address some of the issues plaguing San Antonio. Those included the city鈥檚 , its and . The city was also facing a : Young people were moving to Austin for college and then staying there. 

The task force came up with a plan to improve San Antonio: , and allocate a specified revenue source to do so. 

In March 2012, in his State of the City address, Castro to put a sales tax increase directed to Pre-K 4 SA on the ballot, but he wasn鈥檛 sure how it would go since any change to the sales tax .

In November 2012, many community members were unconvinced that 4-year-olds belonged in schools, said Sarah Baray, CEO of Pre-K 4 SA. 鈥淭here were a lot of questions about whether the city belonged in education at all.鈥� The plan faced opposition from some residents in the business community, from higher-income residents and even from leaders in local school districts, who viewed the city鈥檚 plan to establish pre-K centers as competition for their own publicly funded pre-K programs. 

鈥淭exas is a state that doesn鈥檛 like to pay taxes,鈥� said Baray. Ultimately a sales tax was the path of least resistance. 

鈥淧roperty taxes tend to be highly visible and directly tied to household finances,鈥� said Larrisa Wilkinson, deputy CEO of Pre-K 4 SA. 鈥淪ales taxes, although regressive, are smaller costs spread across many people in everyday purchases, so they鈥檙e less noticeable and less likely to trigger strong pushback,鈥� she said. 

The 2012 measure passed with . Within a year, Pre-K 4 SA opened two centers. A year later,

By 2020, when the sales tax was up for renewal, the initiative had been underway for seven years and had . By that time, there was evidence of success. conducted by University of Texas at San Antonio found that by third grade, Pre-K 4 SA students had higher math and reading scores as compared to their peers. The most pronounced effects were for children from low-income families and those with limited English proficiency. A cost-benefit of Pre-K 4 SA found that families enrolled in its extended-day program earned an average of $240 more per week than families who did not participate. For many families in San Antonio, a city with one of the , those funds can make the difference between living in financial security or hovering close to the poverty line. 

These data points made going back to the community and asking for support easier the second time, said Paul Chapman, who had been the chief communications officer at the time and now serves as chief operating officer at Pre-K 4 SA. 鈥淲e could communicate to the community the status of what they have invested in and how we are doing.鈥� In 2020, the ballot measure .

Along the way, the program continued to grow, adding a fifth center in 2019, which opened in partnership with a local school district.

As part of its mission to improve the quality of childcare, the program also provides shared services, training and education for more than 90 childcare providers in San Antonio. In 2025, Pre-K 4 SA spent over of its annual revenue on grants for external childcare providers in San Antonio, which has helped neutralize some of their earlier opposition that had viewed the program as a competitor. 

While sales tax revenue can vary year to year, it has provided enough stability to continue expanding. One of its locations, South Education Center, opened a new building in August 2025, as part of a with HOLT Group, a large, local manufacturing company. HOLT paid to build the center, which expanded capacity to serve more families, and the intention is that Pre-K 4 SA will buy it back over time, said Tonda Brown, Pre-K 4 SA鈥檚 chief of schools.

Astonishing teacher retention in a field with high turnover

Pre-K 4 SA has made deep investments in its workforce: All teachers and support staff are city employees with benefits including health insurance, paid time off and a retirement plan. 

The average pay for the program鈥檚 lead teachers is between $71,743 and $90,396, well over the of $65,000, and some lead teachers with extensive experience make over $100,000, Brown said. (Nationally, preschool teachers have of $32,000, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.) 

In April 2026, 324 teachers were offered a contract to return in 2026-27, Brown said. All but two submitted a letter of intent to return 鈥� an astonishing feat in the U.S. early care and education sector, which struggles with .

鈥淲hat makes San Antonio different is quality,鈥� Wilkinson said. 鈥淣o program nationally does the comprehensive work that Pre-K 4 SA does,鈥� she added, referring to the combination of direct services, family engagement and professional learning opportunities. In her experience, she said, many states and localities prioritize access to early care and education over quality. 鈥淚f you do not have a quality program, what is the point? Mediocre programs can have negative impacts,鈥� she said. 

As widespread budget cuts have strained the early care and education sector, some states and localities have been exploring how best to invest in early childhood programs. While some efforts have yielded progress 鈥� , and broadening 鈥� many have relied on a temporary windfall, such as federal relief aid or a one-time budget surplus. That can create long-term expectations for providers and families that become difficult to sustain once the funding expires.

San Antonio bucked that trend by identifying that a sales tax could offer a dedicated, protected revenue source to provide more stability and consistency for childcare programs.

鈥淔unding innovation is happening on the local level,鈥� Wilkinson said. 鈥淐ommunities are saying 鈥榳e want this, we need this, we are not going to be able to rely on state funding on its own.鈥� 鈥�

The sales tax used to fund early childhood in San Antonio will be up for a vote again in 2028, and Baray said she is 鈥渃autiously optimistic鈥� for its passage. Baray has witnessed a shift in mindsets about 4-year-olds in preschool, with more families, like Rios鈥�, realizing how beneficial such programs can be for young learners. It helps, Chapman said, that family engagement, especially in the Hispanic community, was such a large part of their program.

鈥淚t didn’t negate the role of family in early education. It brought it in,鈥� said Chapman. 鈥淥ur goal is that Pre-K 4 SA earns that place of inevitability in the mind of the community that we serve.鈥�

Correction: An earlier version of this story misstated the ages served when the program launched and the opening date of the fifth center.

In the first years after birth, the human brain develops at a remarkable pace. Every second, more than a  connections spring into being, shaping .

Since the Trump administration entered the White House last year, at least 500 babies and toddlers have spent some of that pivotal time in the custody of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

ICE has dramatically increased detentions of children aged 3 and under, holding 25 of them in custody on an average day between January 2025 and March of this year, according to a new analysis by The Marshall Project and MS NOW of records obtained by the , a group of academics and lawyers who collect and share federal immigration data. That number is 10 times higher than it was in the previous 12 months under former President Joe Biden. Back then, on an average day, fewer than three babies and toddlers were held at facilities across the country.

Parents in ICE detention have complained of substandard conditions that frequently left their young children sick, isolated and regressing in their physical and intellectual development.

ICE did not respond to a request for comment about the dramatic increase in the number of young children in detention; but, in an emailed statement, an agency spokesperson said families with children receive appropriate food, water and medical care. In a separate statement, CoreCivic 鈥撯�� the private company that operates the primary ICE facility used to detain families 鈥撯�� echoed that its facilities were safe for infants and toddlers.

Marsha Griffin, a pediatrics professor and co-founder of the executive committee of the , called the period of infancy and toddlerhood 鈥減robably the most harmful time of their lives to have them in detention.鈥�

鈥淥ur immigration system is breaking children,鈥� she said.

In March, Joani, her husband, and their 2-year-old son, Kaleth, showed up to a check-in appointment with immigration officials in California. Since the family immigrated and sought asylum in 2024, they had never missed a required appointment with immigration officials, according to the family鈥檚 lawyer. Nevertheless, that day, ICE took them all into custody.

As the whole family cried, Kaleth鈥檚 father was handcuffed and driven away to an adult detention facility in California. Joani and her toddler were taken to the Dilley Immigration Processing Center in Texas, the primary U.S. immigration facility that holds families with children.

At the family鈥檚 request, we are identifying Kaleth and Joani by their first names only.

Separated from his father, Kaleth was despondent in the Dilley facility, Joani said in an interview. He repeatedly scooted a tiny table over to a phone that was mounted on the wall, so he could climb up high enough to try to use it. Each time, Joani moved the table away so he wouldn鈥檛 fall. Even if he could have reached the phone, contacting his father in another detention center would have been impossible.

Kaleth stopped eating for 12 days. Joani said facility doctors attributed it to depression. When Joani tried to force him to eat, Kaleth vomited. He eventually stopped having bowel movements. Joani watched her son鈥檚 face grow gaunt, and his eyes sink into their sockets.

Lori Goodman, the CEO of , a nonprofit group that supports families with young children in California and has worked with Kaleth鈥檚 family, said children his age may express trauma physically, since they have fewer verbal skills.

鈥淗e was so distressed that it manifested in his body in not being able to eat or digest,鈥� said Goodman. 鈥淭he longer a child is in that setting, the more the long-term damage.鈥�

The most recent data available shows many very young children have spent prolonged periods of time in custody. Between Trump鈥檚 second inauguration and March of this year, ICE held at least 175 babies and toddlers for longer than a court-mandated time limit of 20 days. A federal judge interpreted 20 days to be the limit for detaining children in a 2015 opinion on the  which governs the treatment of children in immigration detention.

During the last year of the Biden administration, no children aged 3 or younger were held beyond the settlement鈥檚 20-day limit. Biden had ended the practice of family detention in 2021, and the Dilley facility, which had mostly housed families, eventually closed. Trump restarted the practice and reopened Dilley shortly after retaking office.

In a May  submitted by ICE as required by the Flores settlement, the agency said it 鈥渨orks to assess cases and discharge minors from custody as promptly as possible.鈥�

Alsu and Azat fled Russia last year, fearing that their opposition to the war in Ukraine would land them in prison and their 1-year-old, Amir, in an orphanage.

The family had braced themselves to spend a few weeks in immigration confinement upon arriving in the United States after crossing the southern border without visas, and presented themselves to authorities at a legal port of entry. But, as their incarceration stretched on, first in California and then at Dilley, they watched their once-lively son withdraw and begin hitting himself in the face.

鈥淲e came here to escape prison. We wanted to be free,鈥� Azat said through a translator. 鈥淏ut once we arrived in America, we spent four months in detention.鈥�

Dilley didn鈥檛 have many toys for toddlers, Amir鈥檚 parents said, and some desperate children resorted to playing with rocks. Even though Alsu and Azat knew it was important to read with him, they couldn鈥檛 find books in their native language of Russian. Amir鈥檚 speech development slowed. Eventually, he stopped saying anything other than two words: 鈥渕om鈥� and 鈥渄ad.鈥�

Griffin, the pediatrics professor, said it鈥檚 imperative for parents to talk to their children to help them develop vocabulary. But the fear and stress of incarceration can cause both parents and children to become quiet.

鈥淭hey don鈥檛 want to talk, and no one鈥檚 talking to them, not in a normal way,鈥� said Griffin. She noted that the experience can also damage the parent-child bond, as a child witnesses their parent鈥檚 loss of control.

Rahil Briggs, a psychologist at the early-childhood advocacy organization , said these types of developmental setbacks can have a domino effect.

“If we miss this foundational time in early childhood when we see all these wonderful things going on in brain development with memory and learning and executive functioning, then it’s just harder than ever to catch up,鈥� Briggs said. 鈥滻 can鈥檛 learn my ABCs because I鈥檝e got to make sure that I鈥檓 safe in this scary situation. And because I haven鈥檛 learned my ABCs, now I’m not sure how to do this, and I’m not reading.鈥�

Keeping Amir properly fed was another challenge.

According to Amir鈥檚 mother, Alsu, employees at Dilley forced her to wean him off formula, claiming he was too old. The solid food options, Alsu insisted, were not appropriate for a 1-year-old. She described being so desperate to get Amir to eat, that she sucked a spicy pasta sauce off noodles so she could feed them to her son. She and Azat resorted to hiding cereal from the dining hall at breakfast in their socks and hoods for later, so their child wouldn鈥檛 go to sleep hungry.

鈥淓very single day, I would break down, hysterical, because my child had gone without proper food,鈥� said Alsu.

After they argued with staff members to get Amir better food, Azat alleges that employees in CoreCivic uniforms woke him up in the middle of the night, threatening to send the parents to separate immigrant confinement centers and Amir to foster care if they didn鈥檛 stop complaining.

鈥淎s a husband, as a father, I can see the sufferings of my child, I can see how much my wife suffers,鈥� Azat said. 鈥淚t was horrific for me, because I could do nothing to help them.鈥�

Both Amir鈥檚 and Kaleth鈥檚 parents said their children suffered fevers and stomach problems during their incarceration at Dilley and that they struggled to get them adequate treatment. Many other parents have reported similar challenges accessing care inside facilities, including waiting for hours in line to get basic, over-the-counter medication.

Elora Mukherjee, a Columbia Law School professor who has represented more than 80 children and parents incarcerated at Dilley over the past year, said that nearly all of her clients in recent months complained about poor medical care.

鈥淜ids at this age also get sick more easily because their immune systems haven’t developed,鈥� Mukherjee said. 鈥淗aving such young children in a prison setting with hundreds of other kids and parents, it just makes them repeatedly, constantly sick. So they have fevers, they’re coughing, they’re vomiting, they have diarrhea. They are just miserable.鈥�

Amalia and her parents were incarcerated at Dilley when the 1-year-old developed a fever and grew lethargic. Speaking through a translator, her parents said they returned to Dilley鈥檚 medical clinic again and again, but were only given Tylenol for her and warned not to complain. When Amalia鈥檚 mother, Kheilin Valero Marcano, went back to the clinic after her daughter lost consciousness, she recalled asking clinic employees, 鈥淗ow long are you going to leave her like this? Are you going to let her die?鈥�

According to the family, Amalia eventually spent more than a week in an outside hospital, after her oxygen levels dropped to dangerously low levels. There she was diagnosed with COVID-19, an ear infection, pneumonia, bronchitis and RSV, a common but potentially serious childhood illness that affects the lungs.

According to , facilities should transfer sick people to an outside hospital if they cannot provide adequate care onsite.

Leecia Welch, a lawyer with Children鈥檚 Rights who has visited Dilley more than 10 times, said that babies and toddlers, many too young to receive certain vaccinations, had some of the most troubling medical cases she鈥檇 seen, calling the situation 鈥渢he most gut-wrenching.鈥�

Welch recalled mothers in detention describing how stress and lack of nutritious food made breastfeeding difficult. Marcano said Amalia would cry throughout the night, because she鈥檇 tried to nurse and nothing would come out.

Other parents, whose babies drank formula, have stated in court documents that the facility did not provide enough bottled water to hydrate powdered formula, and purchasing additional water at the commissary was, for many, prohibitively expensive. Tap water at the facility, families said, smelled foul and made children sick.

Parents also described difficulties getting children to sleep. The lights in the Dilley facility were kept on all night, and toys that can help kids sleep are prohibited in living areas.

鈥淭hey can’t go to sleep with a stuffed animal,鈥� said Welch 鈥淭hey can’t go to sleep with a security blanket, that’s just not allowed.鈥�

Representatives for ICE and its parent agency, the Department of Homeland Security, did not answer specific questions about the sorts of conditions experienced by Kaleth, Amir, or Amalia. In a past , Homeland Security disputed Amalia鈥檚 family鈥檚 claims and insisted she 鈥渋mmediately received proper medical care.鈥�

Brian Todd, a CoreCivic spokesman, responded in an email that the Dilley facility provides toddlers and babies necessary supplies, including formula, healthy food and clean drinking water.

An ICE spokesperson made similar claims in an emailed statement and noted that the agency 鈥渋s working rapidly and overtime to remove these aliens from detention centers to their final destination 鈥� home.鈥� In a May court filing, an ICE report stated that people are provided with an eye mask when they arrive at Dilley and, following complaints, the facility switched to lower-intensity lighting, though they remain on all night for security purposes. Agency officials also stated in the filings that water quality is monitored, babies under the age of 1 receive bottled water to make formula, and children have access to outdoor play structures, toys, multilingual books, and age-appropriate meals and snacks.

A  lawyers for detained children called ICE鈥檚 claims 鈥渇anciful.鈥�

ICE released Kaleth and his mother in April, two weeks after their incarceration, and they were later reunited with Kaleth鈥檚 father. According to Mukherjee, Kaleth had not eaten solid food the entire time. In the car from the airport, he devoured four packets of applesauce.

Kaleth has since recovered remarkably, said Goodman, the LEAP CEO 鈥� a testament to the family鈥檚 resilience and the strength of their parental bonds. She鈥檚 seen how Kaleth鈥檚 mother looks into his eyes, and comforts him when he is distressed.

鈥淭hat is so powerful at counteracting the abuse that our government is perpetrating,鈥� Goodman said.

Amalia and her family  after spending two months in Dilley.

Amir and his parents were also released, under supervision, in January. The toddler, now 2 years old, is laughing and speaking more, and he has stopped hitting himself. His parents say he seems closer to the happy child he was before ICE imprisoned him.

Even so, it鈥檚 too early to tell what the long-term effects of child incarceration will be on the hundreds of babies and toddlers who have gone through ICE detention since Trump re-entered the White House.

鈥淭he long-term damage caused by prolonged toxic stress 鈥� by essentially abusing these children 鈥� we鈥檙e going to see those effects. They鈥檙e going to impact every child who was there for many, many years to come,” Goodman said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 incalculable the amount of damage that is being done.鈥�

鈥淲hat we want is that, if and when families need it, there鈥檚 childcare that鈥檚 available, that works for their needs, that鈥檚 affordable and high quality,鈥� said Anne Hedgepeth, senior vice president of policy and research at Child Care Aware of America. 鈥淲e鈥檙e seeing a lot of gaps in that promise right now.鈥�

To get federal childcare funding, states have to put a minimum amount of their own money into the system as well. But of state funding for childcare and preschool in fiscal year 2026, conducted by Child Care Aware of America, found that seven states 鈥� Arkansas, Idaho, Missouri, Nevada, Rhode Island, West Virginia and Wyoming 鈥� don鈥檛 spend any money above that bare minimum. And a handful of states don鈥檛 spend more of their own money on preschool than what is strictly required: Arizona, Idaho, Montana, New Hampshire, South Dakota, Utah and Wyoming. Idaho and Wyoming find themselves on both lists, putting nothing extra into either system. 

The lack of additional investment has a lot of root causes, from political hesitance to the realities of state budgets, which must be balanced every year, Hedgepeth said. In part, she said, the problem stems from the end of federal funding from the American Rescue Plan Act, which infused billions of dollars into the system and allowed states to make but has since disappeared. Other constraints include a reduction in tax revenues and cuts to federal programs stemming from the Republicans鈥� One Big Beautiful Bill package that passed last year. 

No matter its source, the lack of funding creates 鈥渁 frustration for parents and families and childcare providers on the ground,鈥� Hedgepeth said. Without more state investment, legislatures are unable to improve the system by, for example, expanding their subsidy programs to reach more families 鈥� or even to serve all eligible ones 鈥� or reimbursing providers the amount it actually costs to care for children instead of at lower rates. That has led to over a dozen states recently instituting or expanding waiting lists for childcare subsidies, leaving parents to try to pay for care out of pocket. The waitlists hurt providers, too, if they can鈥檛 enroll new families, which can lead to closures of classrooms and even entire programs. 鈥淭he whole system suffers,鈥� Hedgepeth said. 

State spending disparities have also created an uneven national system that leaves parents better or worse off depending on where they live. The study analyzed total investments for each child under age 5 for 37 states and found that spending ranged from less than $500 per child under age 5 to more than $5,000 per child. Eleven states spend between $1,500 and $9,900 per child, with Washington, D.C. spending the most. 

鈥淲e do have really different experiences state-to-state, based in part, on what states are putting into their childcare and early learning systems,鈥� Hedgepeth said. That creates frustration for families, especially those who move between states and have to navigate such different systems. But it hurts everyone. 鈥淚t also really presents a challenge when we think about having an overarching goal when it comes to child development and support of our earliest learners,鈥� she said. Children arrive at kindergarten with a variety of readiness levels depending on what was available to their families before then, she pointed out. That necessitates instituting 鈥渁 more robust floor鈥� so that there is a baseline across the whole country.

Hedgepeth sees a silver lining: In the states that are failing to spend more of their own funding, 鈥渢here is room for these states to do more and maybe even an appetite.鈥� Some of them signaled in their recent legislative sessions that they want to invest more, she said. of governors talked about childcare and early childhood education in their state of the state addresses this year. She also noted that, since the pandemic, all states are at least fully meeting the federal match requirement for childcare funding, even if many aren鈥檛 going above and beyond. There were some years before 2020, mostly in 鈥渆xtraordinary circumstances,鈥� such as a recession or budgetary challenge, when some states did not even spend that much, she said.

Even so, some states are moving in the wrong direction. Child Care Aware of America found that six states 鈥� Florida, Kansas, Kentucky, North Carolina, New Hampshire and Rhode Island 鈥� decreased how much of their own money they spent on childcare and preschool in fiscal year 2026 compared to fiscal year 2025. West Virginia invested in childcare in fiscal year 2025 but then failed to do so in fiscal year 2026. 

According to from Child Care Aware of America, this lack of state spending has led to the first decline in the number of licensed childcare centers in several years. In the years directly after the height of the pandemic, between 2021 and 2023, childcare supply experienced 鈥渞obust growth,鈥� Hedgepeth said, after states made investments that 鈥減aid off in terms of making it possible for childcare programs to open.鈥� But between 2024 and 2025, the number of licensed centers declined by 1%. 

Hedgepeth cautioned that the data is messy and the drop is 鈥渧ery, very small.鈥� Still, she said, 鈥淚t is very clear to us that we are not moving in the direction we need to be moving.鈥� of American children already live in childcare deserts, according to a report from the Center for America Progress. In states that aren鈥檛 spending enough for providers to be able to open and operate with some semblance of financial stability, 鈥渢he supply trend is going to continue in the wrong direction,鈥� she said. 

This is especially concerning given that state budgets are about to enter a particularly rough patch. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act enacted the to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and Medicaid in history, cuts that state budgets have to absorb. The possibility that states will feel forced to further pull back from childcare and early childhood education funding in order to cover for some of those reductions is 鈥渧ery much on the horizon,鈥� Hedgepeth said. While some states started to worry about the problem in their most recent sessions, next year鈥檚 legislative sessions are where the cuts are likely to really hit home, she said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e looking at a tough several years.鈥� 

Congress can act by increasing funding for childcare programs, something it has with . 鈥淚t鈥檚 very clear that the gap is there and it needs to be closed,鈥� Hedgepeth said. 鈥淲e have a very direct call to action here, which is, 鈥楲et鈥檚 make investments to make sure we grow the supply for childcare.鈥� 鈥�

Tucked in New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani鈥檚 sprawling universal childcare plan is a little-talked-about milestone: In September, the city will open what appears to be the first free daycare for municipal workers in the country. 

The center, called , is a pilot program that could prove to be a model for cities across the country that are childcare curious, but not ready to take the big universal swing. 

Housed in a renovated space on the first floor of the David N. Dinkins Municipal Building in Manhattan, home base for more than 2,000 city workers, the Little Apple will offer free care to the kids of full-time staff. All workers in the Department of Citywide Administrative Services (DCAS), a city government support agency, can also take advantage of it regardless of their work location.

The center will be small 鈥� just 40 seats for children ages six weeks to 3 years old. To pay for it, the city budgeted about $1.5 million, or $35,000 per child.

鈥淭his is what Wall Street could call a good investment,鈥� Mamdani . 鈥淲e know that after housing, the cost of childcare is what is pushing working families out of this city.鈥� 

DCAS Commissioner Yume Kitasei told The 19th said the solution came about as a retention strategy, responding to the needs workers shared. In surveys, workers enthusiastically embraced the idea. One worker described access to free childcare as 鈥渓ife-changing.鈥�

That鈥檚 probably not hyperbole. Childcare affordability is a national problem that has only grown more acute. Childcare costs an average of nationwide; in New York for an infant at a center it鈥檚 closer to on average. Paying for a daycare now vies with housing costs as , so much so that some parents have had to move or . 

Cities, meanwhile, have been since the pandemic. Benefits like childcare, which some cities and private companies have dabbled with, can help address the quality-of-life issues that are pushing workers out of jobs. 

鈥淭his is a great time for us to sort of be thinking about: How can we make our jobs even more attractive to people and also retain the city workers that we have?鈥� Kitasei said. 鈥淭his is one piece of that puzzle.鈥� 

Kitasei added that a 鈥渉ealthy鈥� number of staffers applied for The Little Apple and the department expects to fill its 40 childcare seats. Anyone who doesn鈥檛 get a spot will be put on a waitlist.

There is an appetite across the country for childcare solutions that could help bring down costs for certain workers, and cities are already taking on creative fixes. 

Several already have childcare centers in municipal buildings or for city employees, including , , and , Colorado, though none of them are free like New York鈥檚. In Chattanooga, Tennessee, the county school district and a local childcare center known nationally have partnered to provide childcare for the children of teachers inside unused classrooms in schools. Boone County, Missouri, is . 

In the private sector, and closed longstanding childcare centers they operated on their campuses in recent years, but efforts continue elsewhere. Patagonia has operated at its California headquarters since the 1980s, a move it argues has lowered turnover from employees who use the site by 25%. Overstock.com also has an at its Utah headquarters. Both are subsidized, not free.听

鈥淎s cities in every region of the country compete with the private sector and other municipalities to attract and retain workers and elected officials, ensuring access to childcare offers an opportunity for local governments to build a representative workforce and invest in the future of their communities,鈥� said Quincy Midthun, an outreach specialist with the Mayors Innovation Project at the High Road Strategy Center, a think tank focused on solutions to social problems.

The Little Apple, and New York City broadly, reflect a when it comes to childcare. 

The announcements of universal childcare in New York City and in the last year received an enormous amount of attention across the country. Both places took an idea that for many years was floated as a pipe dream 鈥� treating childcare similarly to public education 鈥� and turned it into reality. In New York, it鈥檚 one of the few issues that Mamdani, a Democratic socialist, and Gov. Kathy Hochul, a centrist Democrat, . 

Voters are also hungry for more solutions: In poll after poll, they assert that spending money on childcare is a . 

Emmy Liss, who heads Mamdani鈥檚 childcare office, said childcare is at a 鈥減olitical tipping point.鈥� 

鈥淲e’re in this moment where folks across all political, socioeconomic, demographic spectrums recognize that childcare is essential, that childcare is something families are struggling to access, and know that the market economics of childcare don’t work without public investment,鈥� Liss said. 鈥淲e see recognition of that.鈥�

With Little Apple, New York is testing what it looks like to commit to its promises of free care for all, but doing it first for its own employees. 

鈥淚f we are asking folks to report to work in person in parts of the city where childcare is expensive, as it is all over the city, I think that we have to recognize that childcare is an important part of how we keep people in the workforce,鈥� Liss said. 

Mamdani and Hochul have been working to make childcare universally available to children in the city through a phased rollout set to conclude in four years. For 2-year olds, the mayor announced that will be available in the fall in four largely low-income areas of the city. Another 12,000 are planned for 2027. For 3-year-olds, about 2,000 new seats will be added in the fall, as well. The city has an existing universal childcare program for 4-year-olds. 

Universal childcare as Mamdani envisions it will cover kids ages 6 weeks to 5 years with a price tag of about $6 billion annually, making it the most expensive pillar of his affordability agenda. Mamdani is expected to push to fund the program with a tax increase on the wealthy, a strategy Hochul for, though the state is . Mamdani has not yet unveiled what his universal childcare program would look like for infants and young toddlers.

How New York City鈥檚 program rolls out and its sustainability are being closely watched by proponents of universal care, who argue it’s also an anti-poverty measure.

鈥淲e know that other places are watching as we try different things out, including the work at the Little Apple,鈥� Liss said.

In New York City, 21% of working parents experienced some kind of childcare hardship in 2024 that forced them to forgo care or use inadequate care, particularly families living in poverty, single mothers and Black parents, from Robin Hood, an anti-poverty organization, and Columbia University鈥檚 Center on Poverty and Social Policy.听

An average of 3,400 2- and 3-year-olds were pushed into poverty between 2022 and 2024 specifically due to the cost of childcare, a from the same organizations found. An estimated 4,100 2- and 3-year-olds would be lifted out of poverty each year if they had access to universal 2-K and 3-K education. That would reduce poverty for this age group .听

Rebecca Bailin, the executive director of the parent organizing group New Yorkers United for Child Care, said the problem has reached such a fever pitch that thousands of parents started to organize around the issue in 2023 and helped push the agenda that was central to Mamdani鈥檚 election. 

Bailin, who has a 1-year-old, said she can now depend on a 3-K program when her child turns 3 and likely a 2-K program, as well 鈥� a savings of about $100,000. The 2-K program Mamdani is rolling out will also be full-day care rather than partial-day care that wraps up around 2 p.m. like the existing 3-K program, addressing a top ask from parents.

鈥淧eople are stoked,鈥� Bailin said. 鈥淧eople feel like they can stay in the city.鈥� 

The Little Apple is a small part of the larger effort, but, 鈥渋f we want to retain people, we have to do this,鈥� Bailin said. 

鈥淭his is something we want to see scaled. If city workers can’t afford to live here, that鈥檚 a real problem,鈥� she continued. 鈥淭his is really critical and we need this for everybody.鈥� 

was originally reported by Chabeli Carrazana of .

The law鈥檚 passage followed nearly two decades of groundwork and an eight-year advocacy campaign led by Let鈥檚 Grow Kids, a local organization focused on building broad public and political support for childcare reform. The mission? To achieve high-quality, affordable childcare for the whole state. 

A from New America chronicles the years of advocacy and organizing that paved the way for Vermont to pass Act 76, including the incremental legislative strategy that developed bipartisan support; efforts to build a coalition of stakeholders; and the strategic pivots and political organizing that were instrumental in passing the law. By recounting Vermont鈥檚 roadmap, the report鈥檚 author, Rebecca Gale, who has been covering childcare in the state for years, shares lessons learned to highlight what鈥檚 possible when it comes to state-led childcare reform. 

Here鈥檚 a look back at Gale鈥檚 reporting on some of the key actions and policy changes that have led to progress in Vermont.

While childcare has gained visibility in political campaigns, it鈥檚 more often a secondary issue, rather than a key priority for candidates. That may be starting to change. In April, Aly Richards, who led Let鈥檚 Grow Kids for nearly a decade, announced her bid for governor. In an interview with Gale, Richards discussed why the governor鈥檚 office might be the best next step for someone who knows how central quality childcare is for families 鈥� and states 鈥� to thrive.

Let鈥檚 Grow Kids, a nonprofit organization formed in 2015 to improve Vermont鈥檚 childcare infrastructure, sunset its operations in October 2025. According to its CEO, it was always intended to be dismantled after a decade, and the sunset strategy was critical to its success in spurring change. Here鈥檚 an inside look at how the organization鈥檚 efforts drove progress that led the state to make childcare more accessible and affordable, and why the time-sensitive nature of Let鈥檚 Grow Kids was key to its success.

Act 76, a law which passed in Vermont in 2023, has been a game changer for many of the state鈥檚 childcare providers, offering a notable financial boost. For some, it鈥檚 doubled their income. The law, which was designed to increase access to high-quality childcare for families and to support the state鈥檚 early care and education workforce, has had a number of successes in its first year of implementation. Here鈥檚 a look at how family childcare providers in the state have been impacted.

In June 2023, Vermont鈥檚 legislature overrode Republican Gov. Phil Scott鈥檚 veto to approve a number of state-wide priorities, including $125 million to shore up its childcare infrastructure. The state鈥檚 successful effort followed more than a decade of advocacy and grassroots organizing focused on strengthening its childcare system. The law, , expanded childcare subsidies to reach more families and increased wages for providers. Supporters view Vermont鈥檚 approach as a national model for expanding affordable, accessible child care and strengthening the workforce.

In June 2023, Vermont鈥檚 Republican Gov. Phil Scott vetoed a bill to strengthen the state鈥檚 childcare system, but even after the governor鈥檚 veto, the state legislature had sufficient support to consider an override. Richards, CEO of Let鈥檚 Grow Kids, said the decision to veto could be traced back to a campaign promise not to raise taxes. Without the payroll tax increase, the program could not afford to pay providers more. 鈥淭he Governor agrees childcare is essential but won鈥檛 raise taxes. Those two things cannot live together. The solution is public investment. We know this is hard work. That is why we have a bipartisan movement. We are making hard choices together, but we are doing so responsibly,鈥� Richard said.

As the COVID-19 pandemic wreaked havoc across the globe, many states across the U.S. were navigating childcare setbacks. But in May 2021, after years of advocacy and organizing around strengthening childcare, Vermont passed , key legislation to reform childcare in the state. Despite the groundswell of political will for the program, Vermont still faces major funding hurdles. Gale offers a look into the state鈥檚 progress and challenges.

On Friday, New Hampshire Gov. Kelly Ayotte signed into law, which allows retirees taking care of children to access the state鈥檚 childcare assistance program.

For eligible families, the NH Child Care Scholarship Program provides funds for childcare through direct payments to daycare and out鈥搊f鈥搒chool time providers for children up to 13 years old, and through 17 for a child with disabilities.

SB 608 requirement for kinship caregivers who are retired and at federal retirement age. Previously, parents and guardians were required to be working, looking for work, in a training program, or in school. Families still have to meet state income eligibility requirements, which require them to make 85% or less of the state median income to qualify.

The law also requires the state to ask the federal government if family care support services are 鈥渁n allowable service鈥� under the Acquired Brain Disorder, Choices for Independence, and Community-Based Service waiver programs.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. New Hampshire Bulletin maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Dana Wormald for questions: info@newhampshirebulletin.com.

California is doing something about diaper insecurity for its residents. Gov. Gavin Newsom that the state will provide 400 free diapers to families with newborn babies, beginning with hospitals that predominantly serve low-income households, before expanding more broadly.

Diaper need is a serious challenge for many families. of U.S. households with children under age 4 in diapers report diaper insecurity, according to a nationally representative study from the nonprofit National Diaper Bank Network. An infant typically goes through diapers in a day. At , the annual diaper cost for one baby can run roughly $1,000 during the first year. These costs hit during a period when families are often due to the combination of baby-related costs and employment challenges driven in part by America鈥檚 .听

The consequences can be harmful: When parents can鈥檛 afford enough diapers, they may turn to alternatives like using plastic bags or towels to make their own diapers, or reusing wet or soiled diapers. These practices can lead to severe diaper rash and urinary tract infections. In my work, I have spoken to childcare providers who describe the phenomenon of 鈥淢onday morning rash,鈥� when babies arrive after having diapers stretched over the weekend.

Cloth diapers present an alternative that can save parents a lot of money, but they for many families because they require up front costs, need frequent laundering 鈥� which can increase utility bills 鈥� and importantly, because many center-based childcare programs won鈥檛 allow them.  

In fact, many childcare providers require parents to provide disposable diapers, and if they鈥檙e unable to do so, they may not be allowed to drop their children off. In of Connecticut diaper bank users, more than half of parent participants who relied on childcare programs reported missing work due to a lack of diapers, with an average of four missed days per month.

While the long-term solution to diaper need likely lies in ensuring all families have access to reliable and well-paying jobs, a statewide program like California鈥檚 Golden Gate Start can provide a strong preventative intervention that can set families off on the right foot, helping them leave the hospital with one less worry while they try to figure out how to care for the beloved, squalling creature that鈥檚 coming home without an instruction manual. In practice, the 400 diapers, which come in varying sizes, should cover about a month鈥檚 supply.

California is not the first state to try to tackle diaper insecurity. Illinois has, since 2023, been utilizing Diaper Dollars, a statewide initiative that sends out a monthly $40 e-card to eligible families that can be used to purchase diapers at various stores, and the idea has since spread to Ohio. In 2024, Tennessee to families enrolled in the state鈥檚 Medicaid system, although the program is being as the state legislature tries to shore up healthcare budget holes. 

California鈥檚 model, though, may have the most straightforward delivery system. Diaper Dollars has faced challenges because the stipends can only be used at participating stores and some major retailers don鈥檛 currently accept that form of payment, while Tennessee struggled with coverage because it delivered the benefit via pharmacies, and left many families lacking options. California鈥檚 use of hospitals is innovative, though it does mean only a one-time infusion of diapers versus an ongoing supply.

Despite the fact that California鈥檚 program seems like a clear win, it has . While plausibly driven by animus toward Newsom, a , commentators have focused on the fact that a nonprofit with connections to Newsom鈥檚 wife, Baby2Baby, is involved in the administration of the free diapers. Some see Newsom鈥檚 free diaper program as politically flashy but economically tokenistic, that giving new parents 400 diapers does little to solve the real reason California feels unaffordable 鈥� especially the state鈥檚 severe housing shortage and high cost of living. Others suggest routing diapers through a nonprofit and hospitals may cost taxpayers more than simply handing families cash directly.

This argument almost entirely misses the point. While it鈥檚 always worth watching the implementation of a benefit to make sure the government is working efficiently, the question on the table is whether there is a public interest in helping all parents and babies get off to a strong and healthy start. As conservative analyst Patrick T. Brown in his Family Matters Substack, 鈥渆ven if the program design could theoretically stand to be improved, it hardly deserves the scorn being directed at it. … Sometimes a program can be good without being perfect; and sometimes we should do a better job resisting the temptation to hold our political opponents鈥� ideas to a higher standard than our own side鈥檚.鈥�

Indeed, American families would surely welcome a race among states to figure out how to most effectively support them in securing an adequate diaper supply. Babies need diapers, but especially as the cost of living continues to rise, not every American family is in a position to provide them. California is taking action: That in itself is worthy of praise 鈥� and one way or another, there will be important lessons to learn.

The way she recalls it, nearly everyone in the group whose child had a summer or even late spring birthday was thinking about holding them back from kindergarten an extra year. Bollman鈥檚 son had an August birthday, making him the youngest among the bunch. 

The conversation stuck with Bollman, she said, and soon, she found herself asking any teacher she encountered during the next year for their opinion. 

鈥淣ot one teacher told me to send him early,鈥� Bollman recalled. 鈥淭hey all said it was a good idea to hold him back 鈥� 鈥榚specially with a little boy,鈥� they鈥檇 say.鈥�

The idea of delaying a child鈥檚 entry into kindergarten 鈥� a practice often referred to as redshirting 鈥� has gone mainstream in recent years, so much so that a parent of a child nearing school age might get the impression that just about everybody is doing it. 

But that鈥檚 far from the case. 

A recent from NWEA, a research and assessment company, finds that rates of kindergarten redshirting in recent years have held remarkably steady with trends from the and , averaging about 5% each year and peaking in fall 2021 at 6.4%. 

The practice gained attention in 2022 when social scientist Richard Reeves, in his book 鈥�,鈥� proposed redshirting all boys to account for their slower pace of development, relative to girls. Reeves鈥� proposal followed writings from author Malcolm Gladwell, who in his 2008 book 鈥溾�� that birthdays, relative to cutoff dates, contribute to a person鈥檚 long-term academic and athletic performance. 

Still, recent attention to redshirting seems to have amounted to minimal, if any, increase in the uptake of it, said Megan Kuhfeld, director of growth modeling and data analytics at NWEA. 

鈥淎 lot of families probably consider it and then opt out of doing it,鈥� Kuhfeld explained, adding that, after reflection, many probably realize, 鈥溾�榊ou know what, I don鈥檛 want to pay for an extra year [of preschool].鈥� We鈥檙e capturing those that went through with redshirting.鈥� 

NWEA evaluated data from more than three million kindergarteners between fall 2017 and 2025 (and controlled for the 1-2% of kindergarten students who repeat the grade each year). The findings show that redshirting remains uncommon, and that among families who delayed kindergarten, the students tend to be white, male and enrolled in more affluent schools. 

The analysis also found that the academic advantages experienced by redshirted students, who are starting kindergarten as among the oldest in their class, tend to fade quickly. By third grade, most redshirters score on par with their peers who started kindergarten on time. 

But one of the limitations of this study, Kuhfeld acknowledged, is that it doesn’t capture students鈥� social, emotional and behavioral advantages, which are often the driving force behind a family鈥檚 decision to hold a child back a year. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 very possible there is a long-lasting behavioral component,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e aren鈥檛 able to see that. That鈥檚 an important caveat.鈥�

It was social-emotional development that ultimately drove Bollman and her husband to make the decision to redshirt their son. 

Bollman wasn鈥檛 concerned that her son couldn鈥檛 handle kindergarten academically. Rather, she noticed that, at 4 years old, he struggled to cope when he lost a game or didn鈥檛 succeed at something on the first try. 

鈥淚 worried if he went into an environment where he was having a hard time keeping up with his peers, that he would kind of get discouraged and it would lay not-the-best groundwork for his academic life,鈥� Bollman said. 鈥淎 year later, he was more emotionally mature where he could handle those setbacks.鈥�

Now that her son has finished up his kindergarten year, Bollman feels sure it was the right decision. It wasn鈥檛 without downsides, though. She estimates that her family spent $8,000 for him to attend preschool three days a week during the year that he could鈥檝e been enrolled in kindergarten. 

Diane Schanzenbach, an economist at Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy who studies education issues, noted that there are financial costs on both ends of the redshirting decision. On the front end is the additional cost of a year of preschool, which about $11,500 in the U.S. On the back end, it鈥檚 a year of lost earnings, if that child eventually enters the labor force a year late but retires around the same age as everyone else. 

Schanzenbach, who has about redshirting in the past, sympathizes with parents who are on the fence about kindergarten, recognizing that they often have to decide many months before their child would actually start school. 

鈥淧arenting is really hard,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he kid you鈥檝e got today is not the kid you鈥檝e got in a week, in a month, in a year. You鈥檙e trying to make the best possible decisions under a ton of uncertainty鈥� but there鈥檚 a lot of reasons to stick with the normal path.鈥�

It鈥檚 clear that the vast majority of families come to a similar conclusion, since redshirting rates have not meaningfully increased over the decades. In fact, in 2025, in states with a Sept. 1 kindergarten cutoff, more than two-thirds of the 4.4% of students who were redshirted were born in June, July or August, NWEA shared. Those summer kids are more likely to be true edge cases, where families feel the child, at 4 years old or newly 5, is just not ready for the expectations put on children in kindergarten.  

Children who are redshirted are more likely to be from families with higher socioeconomic status, the report found. It鈥檚 all part of the 鈥渁rms race鈥� in education, particularly among wealthier communities, to try to give their child an advantage academically and athletically, Kuhfeld said. (The term 鈥渞edshirting鈥� is actually borrowed from college athletics and refers to a student-athlete delaying competition until sophomore year to allow for more development. When they compete the following year, they鈥檙e known as a 鈥渞edshirt freshman.鈥�)

鈥溾�榃e want to give them an extra year so they can be really ready to go,鈥欌�� Kuhfeld said, describing the mindset of parents who redshirt their kindergarteners. 鈥淚t鈥檚 both, 鈥楧o you have the means?鈥� and 鈥楢re you in a community where this is more normalized?鈥欌��

Elia Garrison, a parent in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, opted to redshirt two of her six children 鈥� both boys with summer birthdays. But she wasn鈥檛 trying to join an education arms race. She was trying instead, she said, to protect her children from the intense academic pressure and competition that begins the moment they start school. 

鈥淥nce the rat race starts in kindergarten,鈥� Garrison said, 鈥渋t doesn鈥檛 stop.鈥�

Garrison has noticed the way that kindergarten has become much more rigorous and structured than it was when she was growing up in the 1980s. When one of her kid鈥檚 kindergarten teachers told her that 鈥�,鈥� it resonated with Garrison. 

鈥淚 wanted my son to have that one more year of play-based fun鈥� in preschool, she said, referring to her fifth child, who has a June birthday. 

The COVID-19 pandemic also featured prominently in her decision to redshirt him. She had gone to the local school district鈥檚 meeting for incoming kindergarteners in spring 2020; she had been planning to enroll him for the fall. A few weeks later, the pandemic hit. 

Garrison imagined her young-for-his-grade son experiencing kindergarten over Zoom, and she changed her mind. They鈥檇 try again the following year. 

鈥淒evelopmentally, it was a great decision with him,鈥� she said of her son, who will be in third grade this fall. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 know if it鈥檚 because we redshirted him, but I feel like he was able to grasp concepts better than had he been rushed into first grade and second grade.鈥�

If he鈥檇 been born in April or May, she said, she wouldn鈥檛 have held him back. That was where she drew the line. She ultimately decided to redshirt her sixth 鈥� and last 鈥� child as well. His birthday is the day before the Sept. 1 cutoff.

鈥淚鈥檓 OK with holding them back a little bit, within reason,鈥� Garrison said. 鈥淚鈥檓 OK with that because we鈥檙e in such a hurry 鈥� to make our kids grow up 鈥� that pushing them creates problems later on 鈥� unnecessary goals and unnecessary stresses.鈥�

She emphasized that, above all, it鈥檚 a personal decision that each family has to make for themselves. 

鈥淚 can鈥檛 reiterate it enough: One size doesn鈥檛 fit all,鈥� Garrison said. 鈥淎s a parent, you know your child best. Just because everybody is doing it doesn鈥檛 mean it鈥檚 right for you. Some kids will be bored and will want the challenge of kindergarten, even if they are younger. You don鈥檛 want to hold them back. You want them to have the challenges. It all depends on the parent and the kids.鈥�

Others made a similar point. Kuhfeld clarified that neither she nor NWEA are coming out against kindergarten redshirting. 鈥淲e鈥檙e not endorsing that no one redshirts,鈥� she said. 鈥淔or some kids it does help, but for a lot it doesn鈥檛 鈥� and there are these long-term downsides you should think about.鈥�

Schanzenbach, who believes that redshirting is 鈥済enerally not worth it,鈥� noted that, if she had been in Garrison鈥檚 case with a child who would鈥檝e been starting kindergarten virtually, 鈥淚 for sure would have redshirted my kid.鈥�

At the end of the day, Schanzenbach said, whatever a parent decides, they can鈥檛 ever know what would鈥檝e happened if they鈥檇 chosen the alternative. Maybe a young kindergartener would鈥檝e had a nurturing teacher who helped him with his social-emotional development and gave him time and space to thrive. 鈥淚t鈥檚 literally impossible to know,鈥� she said.

Bollman, in Arizona, has another son 鈥� a toddler 鈥� who will be enrolling in kindergarten before she knows it. But his birthday is in January, and he鈥檒l be starting kindergarten 鈥渙n time.鈥�

鈥淚t鈥檚 kind of a relief,鈥� she said, 鈥渢hat it鈥檚 not a decision I have to make.鈥�

But when TV writer Ernie Bustamante read Manzano鈥檚 2015 memoir, Becoming Maria: Love and Chaos in the South Bronx, his mind went to an entirely different neighborhood: He thought her life story would make a great sitcom. 

He envisioned a coming-of-age series, with Manzano as 鈥渢he ultimate protagonist鈥� who pushes through all of her struggles. 鈥淪he conquers. She overcomes.鈥�

Manzano liked the idea, and the pair got to know one another as they worked to sell it to studios. But after years of trying with little success, they pivoted to a new enterprise.

The result is , a new feature-length documentary that explores Manzano鈥檚 life and career as the first Latina to appear regularly in an American TV series. The film is making the rounds at this spring as Bustamante searches for a distribution deal. In the meantime, he鈥檚 seeking out schools and universities to arrange 鈥渋mpact screenings鈥� for aspiring filmmakers, actors, educators and anyone wanting to know more about the iconic actor 鈥� and the groundbreaking series that both offered her a platform and revolutionized children鈥檚 television.

鈥淎ll young people want to change the world to some degree,鈥� Manzano said in an interview. 鈥淚 was lucky enough to fall into a group that wanted to do the same thing.鈥�

In the film, she likens the show鈥檚 key creators 鈥� puppeteer Jim Henson, producer and composer , among others 鈥� to another seminal 鈥�60s group: 鈥淭he Beatles are great 鈥� separately they鈥檙e all good. But together they made some magic.鈥�

鈥業 had to be myself on purpose鈥�

Manzano grew up in the South Bronx in the 1950s, before the notorious city planner Robert Moses 鈥渄estroyed鈥� it, in her words, with a tangle of expressways cutting through mostly Black and Latino neighborhoods. Her parents were both Puerto Rican 鈥� her father was a roofer, her mother a seamstress, and the everyday talk in the neighborhood revolved around la lucha, the struggle to survive.

Raised in a home where her father drank and her parents often fought, Manzano quips in the film, 鈥淢ostly they struggled with each other.鈥�

She found solace in TV, movie musicals in particular, and imagined herself in starring roles. When a teacher took her to see the movie West Side Story, she was 鈥渁bsolutely overwhelmed鈥� by the spectacle and awed by how it transformed the gritty streets of New York into art. At the end of the film, she burst into tears.

鈥淚 think it touched me so much because it was the first time I saw things in my neighborhood exalted and made beautiful,鈥� she says in the film.

Manzano鈥檚 first big break came when a teacher encouraged her to apply to New York鈥檚 High School for the Performing Arts. She鈥檇 eventually make her way to Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh, studying with, among others, the renowned mime , who introduced her to the physical comedy of Charlie Chaplin 鈥� she鈥檇 later bring her own to Sesame Street. 

By 1971, Manzano had fallen in with a group of Carnegie Mellon drama students helping classmate John-Michael Tebelak produce his senior thesis, an improvisational drama based on the Gospel of Saint Matthew. It was a hit at school and the group took it to on Manhattan鈥檚 Lower East Side, where, with the help of composer Stephen Schwartz 鈥� only two years older than Manzano and the rest of the cast 鈥� it morphed into the surprise hit musical .

Sesame Street, another surprise hit, had debuted on TV in 1969, and by 1971, Mexican American activists on the West Coast were demanding more Latino representation on the show. Manzano got a call for an audition and impressed producer Stone, who offered her a part.

Manzano had actually glimpsed the show at Carnegie Mellon, wandering into the student union one day as a very young James Earl Jones slowly and deliberately onscreen. The scene cut to , married characters who also happened to be Black. 鈥淚 really flipped because in those days you never saw people of color on television 鈥� and if you did, it wasn鈥檛 these charming couples.鈥�

Coming on the heels of the Civil Rights movement, the show鈥檚 representations made sense. None of it happened in a vacuum, she said. 鈥淎merica was ripe for it.鈥�

Manzano鈥檚 first moment of reckoning as a Latina on the show happened before she even appeared on camera: A makeup artist was at work heavily tinting her face when Stone walked in and insisted that she appear onscreen as natural-looking as possible. The makeup 鈥� at least most of it 鈥� had to go.

鈥淚t made me understand that these people at Sesame Street, they really meant what they said 鈥� they really were interested in having a real Puerto Rican on television that was not slick or glib. They wanted real humans.鈥�

Recalling the moment more than 50 years later, she said, 鈥淚t freed me, because I realized I didn’t have to play any part. I could just be myself.鈥� Whenever she tells the story, she likes to cite her favorite line from : 鈥淚 had to be myself on purpose.鈥�

With her improv and musical theater background, Manzano soon became a reliable player who could do nearly anything.

Puppeteer , who performed on the show for 26 years, said her abilities shone through despite the show鈥檚 demands: In early seasons, cast and crew were expected to shoot as many as 130 episodes.

鈥淓verybody is great, but when you had a scene with Maria, it was just guaranteed to be awesome, because she was such comedy gold,鈥� he said in an interview. 

All the same, Mazzarino said, Manzano and her co-stars felt like real people. By the late 1980s, Maria would fall in love with and marry Luis, played by , another longtime player. Her scenes with Delgado rang true, he said, bringing a truly loving couple to the screen.

鈥淓ven though Sonia can do great comedy, she always felt grounded,鈥� Mazzarino said. 

Manzano herself has a fondness for the show鈥檚 loose, improvisational feel, especially in the early days: It was, she recalled, a party-like atmosphere in which everyone was trying to crack up everyone else. That allowed her to both try out her comedy chops and search for a way to let the Muppets鈥� madcap humor shine. 

鈥淭hey were completely zany,鈥� she recalled. 鈥淭hey ate tables. You could throw them against the wall and nothing would happen to them.鈥�

She recalled an early episode in which a scene began taping before puppeteer , who played The Count, could make it to the set. As his colleagues proceeded with the scene, Nelson swept in. 鈥淎nd there was no interruption,鈥� Manzano recalled. 鈥淚t’s a remarkable moment.鈥�

Over time, she became renowned for the knowing gaze she鈥檇 offer to the camera, breaking through the fourth wall in exasperation each time a Muppet co-star 鈥� most notably Oscar the Grouch 鈥� did or said something ridiculous. 

鈥淭hat was a real breakthrough 鈥� no pun intended 鈥� when I understood what my job was,鈥� she said, 鈥渢hat I could have this relationship with the camera separate from my conversation with the puppet right next to me. I could look at the camera and say, ‘Do you get this? I mean, do you see what’s going on?鈥欌��

Over the years, Sesame Street scripts became more research-based and deliberate, and life on the set tightened up. Manzano left the show in 2015 and gets nostalgic about the 鈥渓ooser kind of environment鈥� it had at the beginning. 鈥淎s they became more tame, they kind of lost a little bit of that craziness.鈥�

鈥楽he never talked down to children鈥�

Michael Davis met Manzano in 2005, when TV Guide sent him to write a piece marking the show鈥檚 35th anniversary. By then, Manzano was also a writer for the show 鈥� she鈥檇 eventually earn 15 Emmy awards for her writing. She was the first cast member he met.

鈥淚 remember coming home to my wife and saying, 鈥榊ou know, I met the actress who plays Maria on Sesame Street today,鈥欌�� Davis said in an interview. 鈥溾�業 had a long conversation with her, and she’s the realest deal I think I’ve ever encountered. She is exactly as her character and her TV persona projects 鈥� open, funny, candid, intelligent, capable of making great sense about preschool children and their needs.鈥欌��

He filled a notebook with her thoughts that day.

Davis, who would go on to write the 2008 book , said that for all of her comedic instincts, Manzano understood her job as a trusted adult in kids鈥� lives. 鈥淪he never talked down to children,鈥� he said. 鈥淎nd I think this is true of the Muppet performers and other cast members: They never talked the cutesy voice or talked baby talk, even to 2-year-olds. They addressed children with great respect and interest and really listened to what they had to say. And yeah, it was just a beautiful thing to watch.鈥�

It鈥檚 difficult to imagine another actor whose entire adult life has been captured by the camera, he said. Manzano grew up on the show, first appearing at age 21. She fell in love and , had a baby and changed careers several times, at one point working construction. In one renowned episode, she led the cast as they took viewers through the grieving process when old . 

In the documentary, Manzano quips, 鈥淲e were the first reality show 鈥� without the whining.鈥�

Davis, whose second book on the show, , is due out this fall, said Manzano herself underwent a remarkable transformation from her Godspell days. 鈥淪he started out as an ing茅nue 鈥� basically a character who was in her teens, just this perky Latina who is new to the street.鈥� She grew, he said, 鈥渋nto one of the most influential characters in the history of Sesame Street and a trailblazer in many, many ways.鈥�

Manzano stuck around the show until age 65 before stepping aside to make way for a new generation of actors 鈥� and to write books and produce . At 75, she shows few signs of slowing down, working more recently with another Sonia from the South Bronx, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor, to help found the .

Through it all, Davis said, 鈥渟he has the most level head, and she is almost painfully normal, and I love her for that.鈥�

He added, 鈥淪he knows who she is 鈥� she absolutely knows who she is, and why she’s here.鈥�

The preschooler鈥檚 prolonged absence was related by Decca Calloway, the executive director of early learning at Puget Sound Educational Service District in Renton, Washington. And this young learner was not the only one to feel the effects of the Trump administration鈥檚 immigration crackdown, said Calloway,聽whose district serves nearly 1,000 Head Start and roughly 360 Early Head Start children across two large counties.听

鈥淢any children stop coming to school,鈥� she told 社区黑料. 鈥淚t happens to one family, but most of our families 鈥� especially our immigrant community families 鈥� are really tight knit (and) they take each other’s children to school. So when you have one child or one family afraid, you essentially have many families and many children afraid.鈥�

Calloway is one of nearly 300 Head Start directors, parents and teachers across seven states who participated in an April which found that Immigration and Customs Enforcement actions are causing significant fear, stress and disruption for preschool-aged children and their families. 

In total, just over half of surveyed Head Start leaders reported at least one instance of ICE activity near their facility within the past 12 months, and 6% noted that activity was during particularly vulnerable school pickup and drop-off times. 

Nearly 80% of surveyed staff reported that ICE enforcement has had a noticeable impact on student attendance: On average, surveyed programs have experienced 7% of their students disenrolling altogether, and 14% of directors said they faced delays in new student registrations, attributing both to immigration fears. Center leaders estimate an average 7% chronic absenteeism rate explicitly tied to ICE, though that number varies drastically among the surveyed districts and states, ranging from 0% at some centers up to a reported 62% in others.

When Calloway analyzed her district鈥檚 attendance data, she found that up to 20% more young children were chronically absent this February as compared to 2023, much of which she attributes to increased panic around immigration enforcement. Even before ICE and border patrol officers made their presence known in the state, concerns around impending action had a chilling effect, she said, leading to significant dips in enrollment.

Just under half of all survey respondents said they had observed negative behavior changes in children in response to the crackdown, consistent with clinical symptoms of anxiety, stress and trauma. This has appeared in a variety of ways, including kids having more frequent tantrums and expressing concern around going outside to play. Others have told teachers they鈥檙e afraid to leave their homes, 鈥渢hinking that they won鈥檛 see their parents again.鈥�

Children at some centers also appear to be mirroring language they hear on the news or from adults around them. For example, one staff member wrote, 鈥淚 have had 4 instances (between HS children) where 4 individual, separate white children have told Latino children in their classroom that either the police were coming to shoot them or telling them that they were going to report them and have them sent away.鈥�

The survey was conducted by the Washington, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin Head Start associations throughout April. The groups surveyed 277 respondents in their own three states and across four others: California, Florida, Virginia and West Virginia. Those queried encompassed 90 program leaders, 165 staff members and 22 parents or caregivers. 

Sandy Diaz, an advocacy and family engagement specialist at the Washington State Association of Head Start who led the survey, noted that even children who are not from immigrant families are being impacted by ICE enforcement actions.

鈥淚t’s everybody in these Head Start communities who is witnessing and hearing about ICE activity (that) is being affected,鈥� she said. 鈥淎nd that ultimately affects the quality of learning that children are receiving.鈥�

鈥業t wiped out our parent programs鈥�

For nearly three decades, immigration enforcement was largely prohibited in and around schools, hospitals, places of worship and other so-called sensitive locations. But President Donald Trump as one of his first acts in office in January 2025. 

Earlier this year, the Department of Homeland Security faced a , the longest in history, amid heated debates around immigration. A bill to fund ICE and border patrol in the Senate ahead of the Memorial Day recess, meaning it won鈥檛 pass before the June 1 deadline set by Trump.

Democrats have that protections for sensitive locations be reinstated as yet as it stands, the stalled legislation does not appear to include this provision.

A separate bill, , was introduced in the House in February 2025 and would prohibit immigration enforcement actions within 1,000 feet of places such as Head Start centers and hospitals, except in certain extreme circumstances. Since early January of this year, the bill has gained 33 co-sponsors in the House and four in the Senate, meaning over two-thirds of the Democratic caucus is officially in support. No Republicans have signed on, leaving it in limbo.

Without such protections, providers fear continued harmful effects for their staff and families. Of the nearly 50% of Head Start leaders who reported ICE activity around their program, 3% said it had occurred directly at their site and nearly 10% said it had occurred at a family鈥檚 house. 

One-third of parents said they were more anxious or cautious about being involved in program activities and felt worried about traveling to their Head Start centers or being in public spaces. Over a quarter said they have changed the way they routinely do pickup or drop-off at their programs.听

鈥淪taff have been heartbroken that families ask them if they will be the emergency contact for the child if the parent is picked up,鈥� wrote one provider.

鈥淲e have seen a decrease in playgroups/socialization,鈥� wrote another. 鈥淔amilies are not as willing to hang out during drop-off/pickup to speak with teaching teams. More families are requesting transportation for their child, limiting their exposure at the center.鈥�

The recent survey also found that local ICE activity has impacted staff and center operations: Three-quarters of leadership members received requests from employees for guidance on how to handle immigration officer encounters and 71% of programs have actively altered their systems or security operations, such as installing doorbell cameras.

Calloway, the Washington director, has seen this play out with parents and staff firsthand. 

鈥淎t some locations, it wiped out our parent programs, because we have a high population of children who speak a language other than English in their household, and those parents were the most afraid 鈥�  Parents didn’t come anymore,鈥� she said. 

This mismatch between families鈥� current realities and ideal scenarios begins early 鈥� as soon as their children are born, when the parental leave they are able to take is often less time than they want. 

It may not be altogether surprising that parents in the United States are not satisfied with their leave, care and work options. After all, it is one of the only developed nations that a national paid-leave program for new parents, and in this country is unaffordable and inaccessible to many families. 

Still, these findings add an important dimension to the conversation about raising children in America: The survey is nationally representative and the largest-of-its-kind, reaching about 5,500 parents and primary caregivers with children from birth to age 5, including nearly 3,000 parents with household income below 200% of the federal poverty level or about $66,000 or less for a family of four. 

But it鈥檚 more than that, said Alyson Silkowski, senior policy adviser at the New Practice Lab, a team focused on improving economic outcomes for American families with young children, and one of the authors of the report. 

鈥淭here鈥檚 a lot we know about what鈥檚 not working,鈥� Silkowski said of earlier data and surveys on families. 鈥淲e were keen to add to this conversation about parenthood in America 鈥� what it is parents actually want as they think about these early years.鈥�

The simplest answer to what parents want, they found, is more time and more money. 

Nearly three in four parents said they want more quality time with their children, such as playing, being outside and traveling. Instead, they feel much of their 鈥渇ree鈥� time is spent doing housework such as cooking and cleaning. These findings hold across income levels, geography, race and ethnicity.

More than half of parents 鈥� 55% 鈥� said they wanted more time off with their child after they were born, and that鈥檚 true for both moms and dads. 

鈥淣either are getting what they want,鈥� Silkowski noted. 

Priscilla Welsh, a mom of two living in a suburb of Denver, lost her job while pregnant with her first child a few years ago after the company that employed her went out of business. When their son was born, Welsh was not working, and her husband, who is self-employed, 鈥渢ook a pause鈥� from work to be at home with his family, she shared. 

鈥淚t was a rougher period of very tight finances with our firstborn,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou want to snuggle your newborn and feel relaxed, but it was top of mind for me 鈥� how little money we had.鈥�

When Welsh had their second child, in 2025, her husband was able to take advantage of Colorado鈥檚 state paid parental leave program, which was approved by voters in 2020 and became available to families in early 2024. He was able to take 12 weeks of paid leave to be at home with his wife, toddler and newborn son, which Welsh described as 鈥渁mazing.鈥� 

As for money, the New Practice Lab found that financial concerns seem to be leading families to choose work and childcare arrangements that do not reflect their preferences. 

Nearly nine in 10 parents said they want to work some amount, including 91% of dads and 85% of moms, but 75% said their current work arrangement is not one they want. 

Welsh has not returned to the workforce since she lost her job during her first pregnancy, but she would like to if she can find the right position, she said. Ideally, she鈥檇 work one day a week in an event-planning role. She loves the challenge-and-reward cycle of paid work, and she also thinks it would be good for her as a parent. 

鈥淚 want to miss them,鈥� she said of her sons, who are 2.5 years and 10 months old. 鈥淸Working] would help me miss them and be a better mom when I鈥檓 around them.鈥�

She added: 鈥溾�淏eing a mom is just one challenge after another after another. But there鈥檚 no big reward. It鈥檚 like, 鈥楶otty training is over!鈥� But no, potty training is never over.鈥� 

In her paid jobs of the past, Welsh would work really hard to complete a task or a project, then get appreciation and acknowledgement for it, she said 鈥� 鈥渞ather than being a parent, where you鈥檙e never finished.鈥� She thinks that returning to the labor force would 鈥渟tretch鈥� her in a good way.

The main reason she isn鈥檛 working now is because she isn鈥檛 looking 鈥� because she doesn鈥檛 think that what she is seeking is even out there. 

鈥淧art of me just doesn鈥檛 believe it exists, or that I鈥檇 be paid high enough that it would be worth my time,鈥� she said. 

Many moms 鈥� and some dads 鈥� with young children seem to share Welsh鈥檚 desire for more flexible, part-time work. 

Of the parents who said they prefer to work, 30% of moms and 64% of dads said they want to work full-time, compared to 28% of moms and 15% of dads who want flexible work and 25% of moms and 12% of dads who want part-time work.听

About a third of respondents said they preferred to care for their children themselves in their ideal scenario, while 19% wanted a combination of care, 18% wanted another parent to do the caregiving, 15% wanted formal settings, 11% wanted a relative or friend, and 5% wanted a nanny or sitter.听

鈥淭here wasn鈥檛 a single solution that crossed the 50% threshold,鈥� noted Amira Choueiki Boland, chief of staff at the New Practice Lab and an author of the report.

Boland also acknowledged that many families seem to have modest expectations for what can change about their circumstances 鈥� whether it鈥檚 more parental leave or more satisfying work and childcare arrangements. 

鈥淲e鈥檙e conditioned to what we think is possible,鈥� Boland said, recalling how 鈥渁stounded鈥� she was to observe the system of support in place for colleagues who took parental leave when she worked in Canada. 鈥淸We should be] opening up our aperture to what other societies have figured out to make this work better.鈥�

Mary Moody bought Silver Bluff Kids Early Learning Center in 2023, one of in western North Carolina at the time. The owners cited insufficient childcare subsidy funding.

Today, the Canton center, where around 75% of children rely on child care subsidy funding, is facing the same challenge, Moody said.

鈥淭he price of groceries, the price of supplies and materials, our insurance costs, like everything has increased 鈥� except our subsidy reimbursement rates,鈥� she said.

Childcare programs need more subsidy funding, advocates say, to make ends meet and serve low-income working and student parents. Advocates are asking for $101 million this short legislative session to increase the rates facilities receive through , which helps afford care.

鈥淚t鈥檚 about stabilizing the childcare sector right now, because before we can even think about expanding childcare programs, we have to sustain what we have,鈥� said Leanna Martin, director of early childhood policy and research at nonprofit .

Since the state legislature passed a full budget in 2023, the state has experienced a net loss of 262 licensed programs, according to from the Gov. Josh Stein鈥檚 office.

In March, Stein鈥檚 鈥渃ritical needs budget鈥� for the rest of the fiscal year.

Legislators went home last fiscal year without passing a full budget. Both the and proposals included around $80 million per year in subsidy funding to update rates.

Without increased subsidy funding, childcare will continue to become less accessible and more expensive, said Dan Rockaway, president of the and CEO of Sounds and Colors, which has four childcare centers in Wake and Orange counties.

鈥淚t鈥檚 what keeps parents in the workforce and classrooms open,鈥� Rockaway said. 鈥淏ut to truly work, subsidy rates also need to be better aligned with the actual cost of providing high-quality care, otherwise the gap continues to grow and access remains out of reach for too many families.鈥�

鈥業n free fall鈥�

Many childcare programs have had to make up for the loss of pandemic relief funding, which ran out in March 2025. The state encouraged programs to use that funding to increase teachers鈥� wages. When the money ran out, providers have had to find other ways to fill the gap and retain staff.

In Moody鈥檚 case, she has chosen not to hire an extra 鈥渇loater鈥� in order to maintain her staff鈥檚 wages. Instead, her and her assistant director fill in to maintain required child-to-staff ratios when a teacher is out.

鈥淭hat makes things really challenging now, really tight, and it has been since March of last year,鈥� she said.

Moody said she could raise tuition rates, but she knows parents cannot afford to pay more. Since her program is operating a waitlist, she has considered opening another center in the area to meet the demand.

鈥淏ut again, that鈥檚 the problem, is the funding,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 mean, the funding just isn鈥檛 there.鈥�

, which Stein established last year, has been studying funding and policy solutions to high costs and low access.

The group in January 2026, including creating a statewide subsidy floor, providing childcare for childcare employees, and offering childcare to public sector workers. The group has also discussed creating an endowment that multiple entities may contribute to.

Incremental changes will not be enough to recruit and retain teachers, said Henrietta Zalkind, director of the Down East Partnership for Children, a local Smart Start partnership serving young children and families in Nash and Edgecombe counties.

鈥淭he system is in free fall,鈥� said Zalkind, a long-time early childhood advocate. 鈥淎nd we need to acknowledge where we are.鈥�

She said direct funding to increase teachers鈥� wages would make the largest difference in the short-term, pointing to of education-based wage supplements from the from nonprofit Early Years. Child care teachers in North Carolina made an average of $14.20 an hour in 2024, .

What difference would higher subsidy rates make?

Right now, the rates programs receive cover less than half of the actual cost of care, according to from Candace Witherspoon, director of (DCDEE).

Higher subsidy rates would help child care programs relying heavily on the program keep their lights on, Martin said.

鈥淚t brings consistency into the system 鈥� and reduces that market volatility to ensure providers receive a reliable baseline that more closely reflects the cost of care,鈥� she said.

The $101 million ask would establish a floor rate for infants and toddlers based on a and increase rates for 3- to 12-year-olds based on . The floor rate would mean all facilities serving infants, 1-year-olds, and 2-year-olds would receive, at minimum, the average statewide rate based on age and quality level.

The based on location, quality rating, and age. Martin pointed to Randolph County, which receives $867 per infant in a five-star setting. In neighboring Davidson, programs receive $1,236 for serving the same age child at the same quality level. A floor rate would increase rates in Randolph County by $600 per child per month, Martin said.

Advocates in called for a floor for all ages. This session鈥檚 ask prioritizes care for infants and toddlers because it is the most expensive and hardest to access across the state. Establishing a floor would nearly double the amount many rural providers receive to care for the youngest children, Martin said, and send about $27 million to programs in rural communities.

鈥�(The request) is a practical, feasible approach that鈥檚 going to have the greatest impact on our childcare providers,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he increased reimbursement will allow them to reinvest into their staff, into their operations.鈥�

Increasing rates will also make it more likely that programs will participate in the program, which is voluntary, said Rockaway, president of the NC Licensed Child Care Association and CEO of Sounds and Colors.

鈥淚f subsidy doesn鈥檛 go up, then childcare centers are either forced to close if they鈥檙e heavily subsidized 鈥� or child care centers that are on a mix of subsidy and private parents can increase their rates, but then will take fewer subsidy children,鈥� he said.

What about waitlists?

Meanwhile, thousands of families are waiting for subsidies to afford care. , 55,166 children were receiving subsidies and 8,319 children were on waitlists.

Enrollment is slightly up and waitlists are slightly down , when 54,676 children were served and 10,892 children were on waitlists.

Local agencies administering subsidy funds had to start waitlisting families in fall 2024 when federal pandemic relief funding ran out, according to DCDEE in an emailed statement to EdNC:

During the pandemic, states received American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funding. This extra funding helped North Carolina pay for childcare subsidies and keep waitlists lower. This federal funding ended in September 2024. In order to comply with federal requirements, which do not allow the removal of vouchers from children already participating in subsidized programs, North Carolina instead had to slow enrollment into the programs which led to an increase in the waitlists for potentially eligible children.

Overall, the total available funding decreased significantly from June 2024 to September 2024鈥攆rom $617,789,488 to $557,023,832. This decrease in funding has reduced the number of children served through the subsidized child care program.

In order to tackle those waitlists, it has to make financial sense for facilities to participate in the program, Martin said. NC Child has done research on steps the state could take to eventually reimburse providers at the actual cost of care. This year鈥檚 ask is the first of four steps, eventually totaling $380 million per year.

鈥淚nvesting in the subsidy not only sustains the programs now, but it鈥檚 really sustaining our future, and it鈥檚 an economic imperative and an economic investment,鈥� Martin said.

This first appeared on and is republished here under a .

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has no regrets about universal childcare.

As she approaches the end of her second term in New Mexico鈥檚 top office, she acknowledges there are some things she would have done differently. In a recent interview, she called 20/20 hindsight a 鈥渧ery powerful tool鈥� that not enough politicians put to good use.

Moving the state toward a free childcare system 鈥� open to all New Mexico families regardless of income 鈥� isn鈥檛 on that list, however. The issue has turned into one of the defining public policy issues of Lujan Grisham鈥檚 tenure 鈥� which will come to an end later this year. The state鈥檚 heavily Democratic Legislature, initially wary of the program, has since voiced support and created a funding stream to continue the initiative for the next five years.

Still, the future of New Mexico鈥檚 free, universal childcare system is uncertain: Democratic candidates seeking the governor鈥檚 office have promised to double down on the initiative, while the Republicans question its fairness and financial feasibility 鈥� with one going so far as to file a lawsuit seeking to invalidate the rules underpinning the expansion.

Lujan Grisham defended her focus on childcare, asserting the state鈥檚 free, universal system will be a 鈥済ame changer鈥� for healthy child development and economic growth.

鈥淚n childcare, I really think we have done it as right as you can,鈥� she said.

鈥榊ou have to start there鈥�

Less than 20 years ago, most New Mexico lawmakers would have dismissed the idea of a universal childcare system in the state as more punchline than policy, said House Speaker Javier Mart铆nez.

鈥淧eople would have laughed at us if we talked about universal childcare back then,鈥� the Albuquerque Democrat said.

In 2011, Mart铆nez was fresh out of law school, working as a community organizer for immigrants rights. He and his colleagues started to notice a pattern: Many of the immigrant families they worked with attended organizing meetings with their young children in tow.

鈥淲e started thinking: What is the future of our organizing? And we landed on early childhood,鈥� he said.

Organizers and policymakers started to converge around a plan to secure voter approval of a constitutional amendment to draw on the state鈥檚 Land Grant Permanent Fund 鈥� then about $11 billion and now nearly $39 billion, according to an April report 鈥� to pay for a rapid expansion of early childhood programs. The proposal divided Democrats at the time. Mart铆nez said his frustration over the Legislature failing to send the issue to voters led him to run for office in 2014.

It took years, but that plan worked. In 2019, Lujan Grisham 鈥� then newly sworn in as governor 鈥� signed into law a bill to create the Early Childhood Education and Care Department, based on a plan proposed by Sen. Michael Padilla, an Albuquerque Democrat and longtime advocate for early childhood education.

The next year, the governor signed the Early Childhood Education and Care Fund into law with an initial investment of $320 million. That trust fund has grown to more than $11 billion, State Investment Council documents show.

The Legislature in 2021 approved a resolution to allow voters to determine whether to pull 1.25% more each year out of the Land Grant Permanent Fund, which long has benefited public schools, to boost both K-12 education and early childhood programs. Voters in 2022 overwhelmingly approved the constitutional amendment, which now sends more than $250 million a year from the growing investment fund to early childhood initiatives.

Eligibility for state childcare assistance with no copays also has expanded 鈥� growing to include families living at or below 400% of the federal poverty level by 2022. That eligibility limit for subsidized care 鈥� $132,000 for a family of four in 2026 鈥� covered the large majority of families in the state.

鈥淭here are very few states anywhere that really even thought about a way to create … a revenue stream so that you can start to make this affordable for parents 鈥� because you have to start there,鈥� Lujan Grisham said.

Women leading both of New Mexico鈥檚 legislative and executive branches also 鈥渃ontributes mightily鈥� to the state鈥檚 policy focus on childcare, she added.

Overwhelmingly, the work of childcare falls on women. Women make up about 95% of the early childhood workforce, with Black and Hispanic women working in childcare at a higher rate than the workforce at large, according to U.S. Department of Labor data from 2024. Research from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California, Berkeley, found 14% of New Mexico childcare workers are immigrants.

Meanwhile, women 55% of the seats in the Legislature, outpacing the national average by more than 20 percentage points, according to data from the Center for American Women and Politics. Women hold 57% of New Mexico鈥檚 statewide elected executive positions.

There鈥檚 a connection between the women working in New Mexico鈥檚 early childhood education system and the women who work for them in state government, Lujan Grisham said.

鈥淢ostly women in childcare, mostly women in pre-K, women majority in the Legislature, women majority in statewide offices 鈥� I think there鈥檚 a lot of synergy there in the state about putting families first,鈥� she said.

Childcare costs, benefits

As any parent will tell you, childcare doesn鈥檛 come cheap.

That鈥檚 true even when the state of New Mexico is paying the bill.

This year鈥檚 House Bill 2 鈥� the state budget bill for fiscal year 2027 鈥� sets aside more than $1.2 billion for the Early Childhood Education and Care Department. That sum, a little over 10% of the state budget, includes $215 million for childcare assistance.

Lawmakers made sure during this year鈥檚 legislative session the free, universal childcare system will be financially stable for the next five years. Senate Bill 241, signed into law in March, will allow the state to draw up to $700 million from the early childhood trust fund over five years, in addition to setting up guardrails to ensure lower-income families are 鈥渇irst in line鈥� for assistance if the state鈥檚 economy takes a turn for the worse, Mart铆nez said.

Lujan Grisham acknowledged free, universal childcare is an expensive proposition 鈥� 鈥減ublic education is expensive, if it鈥檚 universal,鈥� she said 鈥� but she sees it as a boost for New Mexico鈥檚 economy and a balm to the state鈥檚 child welfare challenges.

The governor can recount the objections some New Mexicans have to free childcare: 鈥淚f people can afford to pay, they should. It should not be universal. … It doesn鈥檛 make sense to me. It feels like a giveaway.鈥�

But she argues an adequately resourced, universal system will inspire workers and companies to move to New Mexico, while allowing more parents to join the workforce.

That鈥檚 particularly true for essential workers like police officers and nurses, who often paid top-dollar prices for overnight or weekend childcare, Lujan Grisham added.

Meanwhile, quality childcare contributes to reduced family stress, calmer households, and long-term cognitive and academic benefits for kids.

While no-cost childcare for all families represents a major cost to the state, Mart铆nez said the policy will stick around 鈥� largely as a result of lawmakers being 鈥渞eally judicious鈥� in planning and setting up the program鈥檚 funding mechanisms.

鈥淎s long as I鈥檓 speaker, this is not one of those programs that are willy-nilly going to get axed by the whims of the political winds,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t took 16 years to get us here, and we will ensure that we deliver on that promise in perpetuity.鈥�

鈥榃e have to get it right鈥�

New Mexico will elect a new governor in November 鈥� and the next person to inhabit the state鈥檚 top office might not choose to prioritize early childhood education in the same way Lujan Grisham has.

Both Democrats in the governor鈥檚 race 鈥� former Congresswoman and Interior Secretary Deb Haaland and Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman 鈥� in recent interviews voiced their strong support for the state鈥檚 free, universal childcare initiative. They have promised, if elected, to keep it going, in addition to bolstering the state鈥檚 early childhood workforce through increased pay and expanded training programs.

When her child was young, Haaland said, childcare felt cost-prohibitive; she remembered hiring a babysitter just one time in her entire 鈥渓ife as a single mom.鈥� She said she mopped floors and cleaned bathrooms at an Albuquerque preschool cooperative to get a discount on her child鈥檚 tuition.

鈥淯niversal childcare would have changed my life,鈥� she said.

She described the state鈥檚 push toward a free, universal childcare system as a 鈥渨orthy investment鈥� that would create economic and educational opportunities for adults while improving academic outcomes for kids. Her affordability policy proposes cutting the red tape involved in revitalizing a disused storefront or building 鈥� including by turning it into a childcare center.

鈥淚t鈥檚 better for our economy. It鈥檚 better for our workforce. It鈥檚 better for our kids,鈥� Haaland said. 鈥淚 just think it would be a valuable asset for our state.鈥�

Haaland voiced her support for ensuring childcare workers have avenues for career advancement and better pay.

鈥淭hey deserve to make a sustainable living. … You can鈥檛 raise a child on minimum wage in New Mexico, so we absolutely need to do more to make sure that people can make sustainable wages,鈥� she said.

A father of three grown children, Bregman said his family pieced together childcare by counting on family members 鈥� particularly his wife 鈥� to watch the kids. With the introduction of the free, universal system, he said, 鈥渢imes have changed.鈥�

He argued quality early childhood education has the potential to yield long-term benefits for New Mexico children, who have long suffered from higher-than-average rates of poverty and lower-than-average academic performance.

If elected governor, Bregman promised to build on the promise of free childcare. He said he鈥檇 want to conduct a kind of census of the childcare industry to better understand workforce recruitment and retention strategies, quality improvement initiatives, and whether the state鈥檚 existing supply of childcare slots meets demand 鈥� including in rural and tribal communities.

鈥淲e have to get it right,鈥� Bregman said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e obviously spending a lot of money on it, but more importantly, we鈥檙e talking about the most important asset we have 鈥� our children.鈥�

GOP might 鈥榩eel back鈥� scope

Republicans running for governor, however, aren鈥檛 sold on the program.

Former Rio Rancho Mayor Gregg Hull and Albuquerque businessman Doug Turner voiced similar concerns about free childcare for all. Both said they support childcare assistance for needy families, but they expressed concerns about the financial sustainability and fairness of a program in which families that can afford to pay for childcare don鈥檛 have to.

鈥淚 think the state has a role to play in helping people who need help 鈥� and I think it needs to be done in an intelligent way [to] make sure that the programs aren鈥檛 abused,鈥� Turner said.

He also noted the current workforce can鈥檛 meet the childcare demand. 鈥淲e have a gap that we can鈥檛 really close very quickly,鈥� he said.

If elected, Hull said, 鈥淢y first step as governor is going to be to immediately evaluate the viability and the long-term sustainability of the program. … If we need to peel back the scope of it in the short term until we figure it out, then we need to peel that back.鈥�

He said he plans to work with staff of the Legislative Finance Committee on an 鈥渋n-depth dive鈥� into the childcare supply and demand 鈥� and how the state plans to make up the difference between the two.

鈥淭his is going down a rabbit hole that can get out of control and be far more expensive than I think anybody ever thought it could be,鈥� Hull said.

Duke Rodriguez, another Republican seeking the seat, took his objections a step further: He filed a against Lujan Grisham, with an eye toward invalidating the rules of her universal childcare expansion.

Rodriguez, joined by state Sen. Steve Lanier, R-Aztec, and Sandoval County father Zachary Anaya in filing the lawsuit, argues Lujan Grisham鈥檚 executive branch essentially went about the universal childcare expansion in the wrong way by creating the regulations in November, several months before the Legislature voted to approve funding for the program.

Rodriguez also has raised concerns the true costs could come in far higher than the state鈥檚 projections 鈥� potentially billions of dollars 鈥� and New Mexico can鈥檛 rely on federal funding.

鈥淚t will be 100% borne by tax revenues and appropriated by the Legislature,鈥� he said.

鈥淲hatever program we ultimately adopt … has to be built to last, not built to simply sound good,鈥� Rodriguez said. 鈥淚t would be terrible to make promises of access when the capacity is missing.鈥�

A state judge in the 2nd Judicial District Court ruled late last month in Rodriguez鈥檚 complaint that Lujan Grisham鈥檚 administration must pause the program or present an argument for why the initiative should not be permanently halted. A hearing on the matter is scheduled June 11.

Rodriguez called the ruling a victory.

Lujan Grisham, however, slammed Rodriguez in a statement on Facebook, calling him a 鈥渢hird-tier Republican candidate for governor鈥� and describing his complaint as 鈥渇rivolous鈥� and a 鈥渄espicable attempt to mislead New Mexico families and generate headlines for a campaign that is going nowhere.鈥�

She wrote, 鈥淯niversal child care is in effect and it is NOT being shut down, despite what this desperate candidate claims.鈥�

While Rodriguez expressed his support for assisting needy families, he said in an interview Lujan Grisham鈥檚 free, universal system 鈥渟ounds charming, but [is] probably unlawful.鈥�

鈥淚 think providing this kind of support for our New Mexico families is a truly valid aspirational goal,鈥� he said, 鈥渂ut an aspirational goal should not be confused with unenforceable rules and regulations that would put providers at risk, that will put families at risk, and, most importantly, will put children at risk.鈥�

This first appeared on .

New research published in JAMA Pediatrics, a section of the Journal of the American Medical Association, found a statistically significant decrease in the number of Child Protective Services investigations in Flint after the implementation of Rx Kids.

The prenatal and infant direct cash support program and has since expanded throughout the state.

The study, done by researchers from the University of Michigan, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and Michigan State University, showed a 7-percentage-point decrease in the investigated allegation rate among infants born in Flint, which corresponds to a 32% decrease compared to the period prior to Rx Kids interventions.

鈥淚n the 3 years prior to the implementation of Rx Kids, the proportion of infants with an investigated allegation within the first 6 months of life was 21.7% (646 of 2971 infants) in Flint and 19.5% (3921 of 20124 infants) among control cities,鈥� according to the . 鈥淎fter implementation of Rx Kids in 2024, the investigated allegation rate decreased to 15.5% (165 of 1065 infants) in Flint, falling below the investigated allegation rate of 20.6% (1303 of 6317 infants) among the control cities.鈥�

Researchers estimate that the program prevented approximately 57 infants from experiencing a child welfare investigation in its first year alone, with a press release from the Rx Kids team celebrating the study as demonstrating the benefits provided by economic support during pregnancy and early infancy.

鈥淭hese findings, now published in JAMA Pediatrics, underscore the powerful role that economic stability plays in protecting children,鈥� said Dr. Mona Hanna, Rx Kids director and associate dean of public health at Michigan State University. 鈥淏y trusting families and investing in them during the earliest, most vulnerable period of life, we are not only improving health outcomes; we are preventing trauma before it starts. This is what community-driven public health looks like.鈥�

The study acknowledges a number of limitations with the study, including the fact that only one post-intervention year 鈥� 2024 鈥� was included. Additionally, the research included all infants born in Flint in 2024 after Rx Kids implementation rather than actual enrollment in the program, but noted that the high uptake rates of the program should mean that the estimates are very close to reality.

鈥淥ur research compared what happened in Flint before and after Rx Kids launched to what we saw in a control group and the results are clear,鈥� said lead author Dr. Sumit Agarwal, a physician and health economist at the University of Michigan, in the press release. 鈥淒uring the first year of Rx Kids, infants in Flint experienced fewer investigations for maltreatment. These results show that providing early economic support to families can make a real difference and should challenge us to rethink how we can proactively support families.鈥�

Another study author, Will Schnieder, associate professor of social work and faculty director of the Children and Family Research Center at the University of Illinois, added that while it is well-documented that poverty is one of the strongest drivers of child maltreatment risk, research into Rx Kids shows the opposite of that, which is that a financial buffer around the birth of a child can lead to fewer children being harmed.

Since launching in Flint in 2024, Rx Kids has expanded to 42 communities, and to an additional 20 communities across Michigan in summer 2026 鈥斅爐he program鈥檚 largest expansion yet.

That expansion is coming as the program is under heavy fire from top Republicans in the state Legislature, notably both House Speaker Matt Hall (R-Richland Township) and House Appropriations Chair Ann Bollin (R-Brighton). Both have advocated to cut out all state funding for the program 鈥� $20 million 鈥� in addition to the significant cuts made to the program鈥檚 state funding in a unilateral decision from House Republicans on the Appropriations Committee at the end of 2025.

and have each launched a number of allegations, without evidence, against the program in recent months over what the money provided to families is used for, though a by Rx Kids in March shows virtually no spending on luxury or discretionary items.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Michigan Advance maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jon King for questions: info@michiganadvance.com.

In 2025, one-third of states had a waitlist or a freeze on applications for childcare assistance for most families, through the Child Care and Development Block Grant, according to new data published in a from the National Women鈥檚 Law Center.听

The number of states with a waitlist or freeze had increased from the prior year 鈥� from 13 in 2024 to 17 in 2025. But perhaps more concerning, said Karen Schulman, the center鈥檚 senior director of state childcare policy, is the total number of children on those waitlists. 

Between February 2024 and February 2025, the number of children on state childcare waitlists nearly doubled, to 225,000, according to the NWLC, which collected data from state childcare administrators across the 50 states and Washington, D.C. 

Those waitlists only grew as the months wore on. By the second half of 2025, more than 400,000 children were on waitlists in those states, marking a 78% increase from February. In the months since the data was collected, at least five more states, plus Washington, D.C., have implemented waitlists, and two more began freezing intake, according to NWLC. 

鈥淎 range of factors are pulling at states,鈥� Schulman said, 鈥渟o you have more families needing help but a strain on resources that provide that help.鈥� 

Some states are struggling to adjust to the end of pandemic-era funding, the last of which in September 2024, and many states are trying to balance tight budgets while also planning ahead for federal funding cuts to Medicaid and SNAP, she explained. Meanwhile, rising costs have changed many families鈥� financial circumstances, and more may be seeking out assistance. 

Plus, Schulman said, some states have increased the reimbursement rates paid to providers in an attempt to get more of them to participate in the subsidy program; that has redirected some of the dedicated funds for the program.  

It鈥檚 not a surprise that the CCDBG program, which is the main source of federal support for families struggling to afford childcare, is failing to reach everyone who qualifies for it. As of this year, it is to be serving only about one in six of all eligible children, due to inadequate funding. 

While the 400,000 children on waitlists make up a small slice of the total population of eligible children, that number is significant because it represents the families who have expressed a need for the benefit and are being denied it or told it will be delayed, Schulman explained. She also noted that the number of families seeking help is very likely underestimated because of complexities with data tracking. California maintains waitlists at the local level, rather than at the state level; Colorado has waitlists in some counties and frozen intake in others; and Georgia, although it doesn鈥檛 use the term 鈥渇rozen intake,鈥� effectively has a freeze in place since it only serves families meeting priority criteria. 

Whether it鈥檚 a waitlist or a freeze, “There are tremendous impacts for a family who is waiting for assistance,鈥� Schulman said. 

While families are waiting for a childcare subsidy, they may have to stretch their budgets to pay for care out of pocket. That could mean putting off other bills, such as rent and utilities, or struggling to afford food. 

鈥淭hey鈥檙e just meeting their basic needs if they have to pay for childcare themselves,鈥� Schulman said. 鈥淭hey might have to patch together unstable arrangements that could fall apart at the last minute and put their job in jeopardy. They may not be able to go to work at all, which could put them in even greater financial straits.鈥�

All of these outcomes, she said, could have impacts on the family鈥檚 future financial, emotional and physical health. 

Meanwhile, early care and education programs in low-income areas, where many families rely on subsidies to afford childcare, may face another set of repercussions. They could end up cutting already-low staff wages, Schulman said, or go out of business, putting their enrolled families in a bind. 

鈥淭here鈥檚 just a ripple effect throughout the whole community, affecting the economy of the community, the workforce of the community, whole neighborhoods,鈥� Schulman said. 

Kim Kofron, executive director of early childhood education at Children at Risk, a Texas-based statewide advocacy organization, said that one of the challenges is that families who join a waitlist may incorrectly believe that they鈥檒l soon circulate off it. 

Anecdotally, Kofron said, she hears that waitlists in Texas are about two years long. (The state had more than 110,000 children on its waitlist as of February 2025, according to the NWLC.)

鈥淒o they patch together some type of childcare with neighbors and friends? Do they go to a subpar childcare program because that鈥檚 what they can afford? Or do they turn down the job because 鈥� it鈥檚 cheaper to not work and not pay for childcare?鈥� Kofron said, outlining the options for waitlisted families. 

She added: 鈥淭here鈥檚 a lot of questions right now from providers of, 鈥業s it worth it? Is it worth taking subsidies when I can鈥檛 get more kids off the waitlist?鈥欌��

These outcomes are not theoretical for RB Fast, founder of Westwood Academy, an early care and education program in Denver. 

She remembers receiving an email in fall 2024 notifying her that one of the counties she serves was . (In Colorado, waiting lists and freezes are decided at the county level.)

鈥淚 really thought it would be a couple of months,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 was not ready for it to be semi-permanent and extended the way it has been.鈥�

Soon, she learned that two more counties would also be implementing a freeze. 

Back then, Fast鈥檚 program, which is licensed for 30 slots, was fully enrolled. She estimates that about two-thirds of those families paid with subsidies. Today, her program is underenrolled, with 22 children, and only three of those families pay with subsidies 鈥� two got in before the freeze began and the third is a child living with a foster family who was granted a temporary subsidy. 

For the remaining families, some manage OK, but others scramble each month, sending panicked emails asking if they can pay late or use a friend鈥檚 credit card for this month鈥檚 tuition. 鈥淵ou can tell they鈥檙e juggling to try to get tuition paid,鈥� Fast said.

She has also seen firsthand the way some families pull together substandard childcare arrangements in the absence of public assistance. Fast knows of a family that had to start leaving their toddler with the great-grandmother while the parents go to work. 

鈥淚鈥檓 sure she loves that child very much 鈥� but at 80, are you in place to give an optimal environment to a 2-year-old?鈥� said Fast, noting the level of attention and activity a toddler requires. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not about an inconvenience for one family or a handful of families,鈥� she said of the waitlists. 鈥淚t affects employers, extended families [and] children.鈥�

Fast is in the process of opening her second location, in a nearby suburb of Denver. That program will not be accepting childcare subsidies, she said. Nor will any future program she opens. 

鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 feel worth it to me,鈥� she said. 

The word 鈥渄iscipline鈥� barely appears in the books, which invite adults to learn more about what drives a child鈥檚 behavior and to gain a deeper understanding of how the nervous system works. Campbell鈥檚 approach suggests that traditional consequences and rewards used by many parents and educators often address behavior at a surface-level, but lasting change comes from strengthening adult-child connections, fostering emotional security and providing consistent supportive experiences that drive growth. 

Along with one of her co-authors, Lauren Stauble, a colleague she met earlier in her career, Campbell developed a framework called Collaborative Emotion Processing, which helps adults and children navigate emotions together. She described it as “a way to teach and learn how to feel stuff with other people that builds long-term skills for emotional intelligence.鈥� It was designed to help children and their caregivers learn from each other and grow together, she said.

The popularity of her books and the CEP method has led Campbell to develop a number of other resources for caregivers and educators, including an for families and educators, a (which elaborates on the themes in the books) and a professional development for early educators.

In the conversation below, Campbell shares the origin story behind the CEP method and why parents and caregivers need to understand how the nervous system works in order to foster healthy development.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Collaborative Emotion Processing is rooted in understanding what behavior is and what it isn鈥檛. Can you describe the approach?

When we created the CEP method, we designed it to help us understand behavior as communication, really from the nervous system and not reflective of a kid鈥檚 character or a choice that they鈥檙e making in the moment. Folks often see behavior as a choice 鈥� that a child is choosing to be defiant or they鈥檙e choosing to throw something across the room or yell something in the moment. And we aim 鈥� with the CEP method 鈥� to focus on supporting kids through co-regulation, connection and skill building instead of trying to control or correct their behavior in isolation, with timeouts or things like that. And really shifting from “How do we stop the behavior?” to “What is this behavior telling us about what this kid needs right now?”

How did your experience as a teacher give rise to CEP, and is there research to support the approach?

Lauren Stauble and I were both early childhood educators at Lemberg Children’s Center, outside of Boston. She came to me at one point and she was like, “I feel like we鈥檙e doing something different in our classrooms than is happening in the rest of our school.” We started taking videos of one another teaching and interacting with students to see what we were really doing. We didn鈥檛 set out to create the CEP method and then research it. We kind of created a loose framework around what we felt like we were doing, and then set out to find that framework out in the wild. And we found bits and pieces of it in different spaces. Attachment research really informs that relationship space of helping kids feel safe and seen and supported, [and research] in relationship and interpersonal neurobiology helps us understand the brain and the nervous system. But we couldn鈥檛 find anything 鈥� that really encompassed everything we were doing. 

We reached out to Brandeis University 鈥� which our child care program was attached to 鈥� and connected with the psych department there and got to dive in and do the Institutional Review Board process of applying for research and navigating it, which is a beast in and of itself, as it should be. We weren鈥檛 trying to actually dive into research at first. We were just hoping to find a framework that encompassed what we felt like we were doing. In absence of a complete framework, we created the CEP method.

Why do you think the method resonated? What need is it filling for parents and educators?

I think it finally explains what they鈥檝e been experiencing. So many adults are told to manage behavior and just stay consistent and use consequences. And that doesn鈥檛 work for kids who often need the most support. And then we get the frustration, the burnout, the sense of like, 鈥淲hat am I missing? What am I not doing?鈥� I feel like CEP gives them a lens that makes behavior make sense and helps them understand a kid鈥檚 unique nervous system, which helps them see what鈥檚 driving this behavior. And it allows you then to shift your response out of that compliance state into a collaborative state. Recently, I was presenting to a group of parents and educators in Middlebury, Vermont, and afterward, a mom came up to me and she was like, 鈥淚鈥檝e read so many parenting books.鈥� And this is the first one I read where I was like, “Oh, actually now my kid makes sense to me.鈥�

What鈥檚 one thing that can help a parent use the CEP method with their child?

Focus on you. Start with you. Everyone [asks], 鈥淲hat do I do with my kid?鈥� And it鈥檚 why 鈥淭iny Humans鈥� is laid out the way it is, where you鈥檝e got to go through part one of the you stuff and the neuroscience and the why behind it before you get to part two about how to respond to your kid.

What does it look like when kids pick up on behavior modeled by adults? 

I had this little girl when I was teaching pre-K, one of my first years of teaching. She was 3, and this tiny little peanut. And her dad was dropping her off one day and he said, 鈥淗ey, last night she said the F-word to her brother. Do you know where she may have heard that?鈥� And I was like, 鈥淭hat鈥檚 not a word we use at school, but did you ask her?鈥� And he was like, 鈥淣o.鈥� 

I called her over and I was like, 鈥淗ey, I heard last night you said the F-word to your brother when you were feeling mad. Where did you hear the F-word?鈥� And she was like, 鈥淲hen daddy drives.鈥� And he was like, “Yep, and goodbye.” What we model is so crucial. It鈥檚 why the CEP method has five components, and four of them are about the adult. When we are modeling this work, when we are showing up with our own self-awareness and self-regulation and empathy and social skills and intrinsic motivation, kids learn from it.

Bren茅 Brown comes up a little bit in your book. She has done such a great service by helping the word “vulnerability” enter the culture. Has her work shaped yours?

I agree. She is my queen. I鈥檝e had the privilege of diving into so much of her work, and I think she has shifted so much for us, with the understanding of vulnerability. The ability to see it as a strength and not a weakness is so crucial for emotional development.

What gives you hope? What are you hearing that should make people feel optimistic?

I am so stoked that we live in a time period when we鈥檙e even talking about emotional intelligence 鈥� It is so cool that we are talking about how nervous systems work. 鈥� The fact that this is part of the zeitgeist gives me so much hope. 

We just got some data back looking at our work in elementary schools, and we鈥檙e seeing a 60% reduction in behavior support calls in the first quarter. 鈥� It gives me hope that when we talk to kids about how their brains and bodies work, they鈥檙e so open, and they鈥檙e so curious, and they鈥檙e so receptive, and they want this. They鈥檙e hungry for it. And now we have the tools, the knowledge, the ability to talk to them. We know how to do that. And I feel really hopeful about that.

Despite having room to serve more children, Middletown day care owner Peggy Fuentes often has to turn away families in desperate need of care. Each of her toddler classrooms has 10 students 鈥� the state caps class sizes for that age group at 12 鈥� but to fill the remaining seats, she鈥檇 have to hire another employee. That鈥檚 because a decades-old state regulation says day care classrooms have to have one adult for every five children between 18 and 36 months old.

With operating costs climbing across the board, , Fuentes said it simply isn鈥檛 feasible to pay another salary to accommodate just two more children.

鈥淚 have an inventory of childcare spots that I鈥檓 reluctant to use because it is cost prohibitive,鈥� said Fuentes, owner of On My Way Early Learning and Childcare Center, which serves around 240 children under 13.

New York state has some of the strictest staffing requirements in the country 鈥� stricter, in fact, than New York City鈥檚. As state leaders allocate billions of dollars to address the childcare shortage in this year鈥檚 budget, a new state law could ease those requirements and unlock new day care seats at no additional cost to providers 鈥� but only if the state agency that oversees childcare decides to act on it.  

In December, Governor Kathy Hochul signed legislation eliminating a provision that has prohibited the state Office of Children and Family Services from relaxing childcare staffing ratios. The new law leaves it to the agency to actually change the ratios; if it did so, the same number of workers could care for more children.  

State Senator James Skoufis, who introduced the bill in 2024, told New York Focus that adjusting the ratios is 鈥渕ore critical than ever鈥� amid the state鈥檚 ongoing efforts to scale up its childcare sector and provide more affordable care to working parents.

Childcare advocates who oppose the change are concerned having the same number of staff supervising more children would increase the risk of accidents and injuries and fail to address a root cause of the state鈥檚 childcare crisis: low wages for workers.

Supporters counter that looser ratios are consistent with set by the National Association for the Education of Young Children, a professional membership organization that promotes high-quality early childhood education, and that alignment with the group鈥檚 guidance would offer flexibility to providers who already operate with razor-thin profit margins.

So far, OCFS has not indicated whether it plans to update the regulations. In a statement provided to New York Focus, OCFS spokesperson Daniel Marans said the agency is 鈥渃urrently assessing the viability of the requested ratio change, with the goal of supporting childcare providers without compromising our commitment to child safety.鈥� The law does not impose a deadline for OCFS to make the switch.

More than 60 percent of New York鈥檚 census tracts are classified as a 鈥渃hildcare desert,鈥� meaning that there are three or more children under 5 waiting for every available slot, according to the . Meanwhile, more than 16,000 children are specifically as a result of staffing shortages that have led programs to operate under capacity. While that鈥檚 not necessarily related to staffing ratios, some think easing them could help address the shortage.

鈥淲e can provide more resources to counties and to providers all we want, but if we don鈥檛 provide the very common sense flexibility that these providers require in order to effectuate creating more seats, then the money is only going to go so far,鈥� said Skoufis.

Skoufis introduced the bill after providers, including Fuentes, expressed their frustrations to lawmakers over being held to tougher ratios than their counterparts in New York City, where staffing requirements are set by the city Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. Day care providers in the five boroughs must have one staff member for every five children between 12 and 18 months and one for every six children who are 2 years old. In the rest of the state, it鈥檚 1鈥�4 and 1鈥�5, respectively. The discrepancies are even wider for older children.

Assemblymember Andrew Hevesi, who sponsored the bill, believes aligning ratios with New York City could help thousands of those families access a seat without burdening providers or taxpayers with additional costs.

鈥淐hildcare providers are operating on such slim margins that they frequently worry about going out of business,鈥� Hevesi said. 鈥淲e were looking for a way to give them some breathing room in an incredibly difficult climate without costing anybody any money.鈥�

Dede Hill, vice president of policy at the Schuyler Center for Analysis and Advocacy, a social policy and advocacy organization, has a different perspective. 鈥淥ne thing that makes childcare in New York state so high quality is because we have low ratios 鈥� and that鈥檚 certainly not something we want to step away from,鈥� she said. Hill is a member of the Empire State Campaign for Child Care, which advocates for universal childcare.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think staffing ratios are the solution to the tremendous issues we have related to supply,鈥� said Hill. The key is more investment in the workforce, including higher pay for childcare workers, she said.

One reason providers are facing significant financial strain is that the state鈥檚 reimbursement level for its , which covers nearly all of the cost of childcare for low- and middle-income families, isn鈥檛 enough to provide high quality care, Hill said. With providers forced to absorb the shortfall, many are unable to offer adequate wages: In 2025, the annual average salary for childcare workers in New York , lower than 96 percent of other jobs.

Fuentes, who has owned her day care center in Orange County for 17 years, said she currently has to choose between raising tuition for all children in order to pay another employee and waitlisting families even though there is ample space to serve them. If OCFS chose to align statewide staffing ratios with New York City, she said, she could enroll around 15 more children without hiring additional staff.

鈥淭here鈥檚 a childcare crisis in New York,鈥� she said. 鈥淚f we can鈥檛 use our full supply of seats, then that crisis is just going to continue.鈥�

For Heidi-Jo Brandt, president of a union representing more than 8,800 providers outside New York City, the flexibility doesn鈥檛 seem worth it. Some revisions to standards may be appropriate, such as the current 1鈥�2 ratio for children under 2 in home-based care, she said, but a broader relaxing of staffing ratios could put children at risk. Research shows inadequate supervision is the main cause of injuries in childcare settings, including , , and from bottle warmers.

鈥淲hile it could have a tremendous impact statewide, our concern is always for the safety of children,鈥� said Brandt.

Some research indicates that high staff-to-child ratios and smaller group sizes are critical for children鈥檚 health, safety, and development, but data on the safety outcome of ratios like New York City鈥檚 is limited.

In recent years, as the childcare industry has reeled from a pandemic-driven dip in enrollment and rise in operating costs, have proposed loosening their childcare staffing ratios, increasing maximum group sizes, and relaxing other regulations to meet demand. Many states set ratios based on guidance from the National Association for the Education of Young Children; New York City鈥檚 ratios are roughly in line with the group鈥檚 recommendations.

Meanwhile, New York state has some of the most stringent ratios nationwide. It is that uses the restrictive ratios recommended by the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American Public Health Association for 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds. Even New York City鈥檚 staffing ratios remain stricter than those in many other states.

Skoufis first introduced the bill after then-OCFS Commissioner Suzanne Miles-Gustave informed him that aligning statewide ratios with New York City would require legislation. At the time, he said, OCFS officials 鈥渕ade it crystal clear鈥� they wanted to pursue the changes, though he鈥檚 less clear on their position today.

In a January letter to current OCFS Commissioner DaMia Harris-Madden, Skoufis argued that it is 鈥渇inancially unreasonable鈥� to require a 1鈥�5 staff-to-child ratio for 18- to 36-month-olds with a maximum group size of 12.

Hevesi said that he believes the agency should 鈥渁ct sooner rather than later鈥� given the potential benefits.

鈥淢y instinct is that there鈥檚 going to be support to look at this and see what鈥檚 appropriate 鈥� but my role was just to take the handcuffs off and now they are free to do whatever they feel is appropriate,鈥� he said.

Buffalo day care owner Emily Thrasher pointed out that New York City and state regulations differ on other aspects of childcare: The city also has more lenient classroom space requirements than the rest of the state, as well as different age group definitions that determine other regulations. For example, New York City defines a toddler as a child between 12 and 24 months old, while New York state鈥檚 definition is 18 to 36 months.

Thrasher said full alignment with New York City鈥檚 standards would allow her small business to generate hundreds of thousands of additional dollars annually. That, in turn, would enable her to serve more families.

鈥淚 can鈥檛 even imagine how much that would compound for larger day care centers,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e could help more families, open more slots, pay our staff more. 鈥� The changes seem small, but it would make the biggest difference.鈥�

This story originally appeared in , a nonprofit news publication investigating power in New York. .

Effective July 13, the Administration for Children and Families will several Biden-era that sought to create more predictable, reliable payments to childcare providers. These include paying providers based on a child鈥檚 enrollment, rather than their attendance, which protects them against financial losses from unplanned events such as illness and family travel, as well as making subsidy payments in advance, rather than reimbursing providers the following month.

Both practices help to stabilize the industry by giving programs consistent revenue that allow them to plan and budget month over month, providers and experts said. 

Although the requirements will be rescinded, states will still have the option to pay based on enrollment and in advance of services 鈥� just as families who pay privately for child care have long done. There is nothing in the new rules to prevent states from continuing or starting those payment practices, noted Helene Stebbins, executive director of the Alliance for Early Success, a nonprofit that supports early childhood advocates across the 50 states. 

鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 require it, but it doesn鈥檛 prevent it from happening,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou can 100% still do it.鈥�

But without the requirement, it鈥檚 likely that some states will reverse course. Already, three states 鈥� , Ohio and 鈥� have paused efforts to implement or extend enrollment-based pay, noted Daniel Hains, chief policy and professional advancement officer at the National Association for the Education of Young Children. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 one of those things that, absent that requirement, and given the fiscal situation states are in, states are not going to prioritize these changes if they’re not required to,鈥� said Hains, 鈥渁nd that鈥檚 going to have a negative impact on providers and, ultimately, families.鈥�

Currently, about now pay providers based on enrollment, according to an analysis from the First Five Years Fund that was published in March, while the other half still pay based on attendance. At least 10 states are paying providers up front for childcare subsidies, rather than in arrears, according to policy tracking from NAEYC. 

The particulars of how and when a provider gets paid can seem like a technicality, but to an early care and education program operator, that may be the difference between financial solvency and ruin. 

The administration first announced these proposed rule changes in early January, before opening up the issue to public comments. NAEYC included more than a dozen provider voices in its to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees ACF.

A program director in Louisiana explained why the Biden-era policies help to keep her in business.

鈥淒uring cold and flu season, if childcare providers were only paid based on attendance rather than enrollment, many of us simply would not survive the winter,鈥� the director wrote. 鈥淢ost of our families have multiple children, and when one child gets sick, it often spreads through the entire household. Enrollment-based pay is the only model that reflects the real cost of maintaining stable staffing, ratios, and operations.鈥�

A program director in Kansas wrote, 鈥淐hildcare is a tough job. Providers don’t need any additional obstacles. 鈥� Having to wait for reimbursement for a month or more can have a significant impact on a provider’s financial well-being in their program.鈥�

And a director in Maine pointed out that a child whose spot is funded by subsidies should not be treated any differently than one from a family who is paying private tuition. 鈥淲e cannot predict attendance,鈥� she wrote. 

The Maine director鈥檚 point is one that motivated the Biden administration鈥檚 2024 rules, Hains said. The in 1990 establishing the Child Care and Development Block Grant, which authorizes the CCDF, sought to have states鈥� subsidy payment practices 鈥渞eflect generally accepted payment practices of childcare providers鈥� who receive payments privately from families, to maximize choices among low-income families seeking care, Hains explained. The Biden rules to get states back in compliance with that original intent. 

Stebbins, of the Alliance for Early Success, said she couldn鈥檛 think of a single other industry that operates in the way that early care and education does. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 Business 101,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 paid for two kids in childcare. I always paid in advance. I paid if they were sick or we went on vacation. Why is this such a big leap?鈥�

Now that this issue is being returned to the states, she said, it鈥檚 on policy advocates and the early childhood community to help make the case to state leaders why enrollment-based pay and prospective pay are so essential. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 good for the field 鈥� because it creates a stable, predictable source of income, and it is aligned with how private pay works in the industry,鈥� Stebbins explained, laying out the argument. 鈥淚t treats kids who are on subsidy 鈥� low-income children 鈥� just like everybody else.鈥� 

Those outcomes, she added, have ripple effects across communities and entire states. 

鈥淎 stable industry is good for the kids and the programs. There鈥檚 less turnover and uncertainty about income,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 good for the state economy because it allows parents to work.鈥�

On the other hand, attendance-based payments may disincentivize programs from accepting families who pay with subsidies altogether, said Casey Peeks, senior director for early childhood policy at the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning think tank. 

The enrollment-based pay and prospective pay are only two of the 鈥渇our critical levers to improving the sector鈥� that the Trump administration is rolling back, Peeks said. The third is the use of grants and contracts to provide direct childcare services, which allow states to enter into agreements with providers to reserve slots for certain populations of children. The reversal of that practice may mean that some families, particularly those with infants and children with disabilities, could have more trouble finding slots for their child. And the final lever is capping the maximum amount a family can pay out-of-pocket for childcare, which the Biden-era rule set to 7% of household income, based on federal affordability standards. 

The co-pay limit isn鈥檛 perfect, Peeks acknowledged, but 鈥渋t gives this peace of mind to know how much you鈥檙e going to pay,鈥� she said. 

In Ohio, one of the that has not yet capped co-pays at 7%, the limit is 27% of income, which can be crushing for some families. 

鈥淚 think knowing how much of a burden this [childcare] expense is 鈥� it rivals mortgage payments and rent payments 鈥� to take away a lever that exists for affordability and offer no alternatives puts families who are already struggling in a really difficult spot,鈥� Peeks said.

Much of the conversation about how much and what type of screen time is appropriate for young kids is focused on the use of digital technology at home, under the purview of a child鈥檚 parents and primary caregivers. But the reality is that a of children age 5 and under spend at least part of their week in an early care and education setting, where screen time may be less visible, but is often present in some form. And when communication between parents and early educators falls short, young children may end up spending more time with screens than experts recommend 鈥� and their parents intend. 

In early learning environments, screen use varies widely, said Rebecca Parlakian, senior director of programs at Zero to Three, a nonprofit focused on early childhood development. Some settings are screen-free, while others set parameters like time limits or restricting screens for educational use only, and others allow children to watch movies or short videos for entertainment. 

鈥淒epending on who cares for your child and what the practices are, it could go the whole range,鈥� Parlakian said.

Although expert guidance around screen time has begun to move away from offering clear duration-based limits, there is still a large body of research informing best practices around children and digital media 鈥� and that research emphasizes the importance of in-person, hands-on and relational interactions for young children. But often, program staff and parents are not communicating with one another about how much or what kind of screen time a child is getting in each environment, said Kate Blocker, director of research and programs at Children and Screens: Institute of Digital Media and Child Development. 

鈥淲e have to acknowledge that has to apply across the contexts they鈥檙e in and is not repeated,鈥� Blocker said. 鈥淭he communication gaps are really real, I think.鈥�

Although some states are beginning to whether and how screens can be used in early care and education settings, a program鈥檚 approach to screen time is more often driven by the philosophy and preferences of its owner or director. In the absence of clear, cohesive guidelines for the field, that can be a daunting task, said LaTonya Richardson, owner and director of The Academy of Learning and Early Care, a licensed, nationally accredited family child care program in Jacksonville, Florida. 

鈥淭echnology in early childhood is not a black-and-white thing,鈥� Richardson said. 鈥淲e need clearer guidance, and we need realistic goals.鈥�

Many of the best-known early childhood advocacy and membership organizations do offer some recommendations for programs around screen use. The National Association for Family Child Care, for example, includes guidelines for 鈥渢elevision and computers鈥� in its , including limits of 30 minutes of screen time per day for children over age 2 and none for those who are under 2. But the field lacks a set of go-to guidelines that all program leaders and staff can reference, much the way that many families view the from the American Academy of Pediatrics. 

Instead, Richardson said, her approach has evolved over the years as she鈥檚 learned in real-time what works well for children and what doesn鈥檛. 

Today, she and the other two teachers in her program use some technology with the 12 children they serve 鈥� who range in age from 7 months old to 5 years old 鈥� but they keep it brief and reserve it for times when a screen can add something to the learning experience. 

鈥淭echnology is used as a tool, not as a replacement for teaching,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e believe children learn best through play, conversations and movement.鈥�

When screens come out, Richardson said, they are used with intention. 

Earlier that week, one of the program鈥檚 teachers used a tablet during circle time to play short videos of a few nursery rhymes the group had recently read together. It was intended to recap the lesson and deepen the children鈥檚 understanding of the stories, Richardson said. 

One video was of Humpty Dumpty. In it, the kids could see Humpty Dumpty falling, in motion. They could watch as he cracked into several pieces. Another video was of Jack and Jill. The children were able to see Jack and Jill tumbling down the hill. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 to give them something else than we鈥檙e already doing so they can see and feel and interact in different ways when we鈥檙e using the tablet,鈥� Richardson explained. 

The older kids can also access a tablet to practice concepts like counting or the alphabet. Her staff limits this activity to five minutes at a time. 

鈥淚f a child wants to see the tablet, they know now, when they see the hourglass, 鈥楳y time is up.鈥� There鈥檚 no getting upset. They put it down and move on to the next thing,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 all about guidance, support and making sure everyone鈥檚 clear on what the role is when it comes to using those devices.鈥�

It helps when those messages are communicated consistently across both home and school settings, Richardson added. 

At one point, she held a workshop for families to help them understand what healthy technology use looks like for young children, and to understand the trade-offs of granting their kids screen time at home. Some parents expressed that their children were getting into the car after pickup demanding a tablet, and they didn鈥檛 know how to set boundaries. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 not to shame any parents,鈥� Richardson said of the workshops and resources her program provides to families. 鈥淚t鈥檚 to work with them so they can work with us.鈥�

At the Primrose School of Evergreen, a private early learning program located in the heart of Silicon Valley, parents overwhelmingly view technology as a positive, said owner Bejal Patel. 

The preschool is part of Primrose Schools, a national chain of more than 500 early care and education centers. Patel鈥檚 center is piloting a new learning app from Primrose Schools called Balanced Learning that will be made available to all programs this fall. The app was designed for children ages 3, 4 and 5 and is intended to complement the hands-on activities and lessons that children are working on in the classroom. 

鈥淭here鈥檚 so much external content that might be fun and flashy … but we鈥檙e trying to get kids to think critically, solve a real-world problem,鈥� said April Poindexter, head of curriculum and innovation at Primrose Schools, about the new learning app. 鈥淪o it requires active engagement.鈥�

One experience children may have on the app, she said, would reinforce a learning unit on gardening and pollinators. In the classroom, children may learn about gardening and taking care of the earth. Outside, they may plant seeds and tend to the school鈥檚 real garden. In the app, they can read further about pollinators or design their own pollinator garden based on information found in the app. 

Another app experience, Poindexter said, offers children an opportunity to view short videos about age-appropriate social challenges, such as starting a new school, and then use a handheld mirror to observe their own facial expressions. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 all designed to be short, sweet, brief and very purposeful to what they鈥檙e learning,鈥� Poindexter said. 

Primrose centers, she added, do not use any digital media for entertainment and do not introduce any children under age 3 to screens. 

Patel, the owner of the Primrose location in Silicon Valley, said that aligns with her school鈥檚 approach. 

鈥淪creens don鈥檛 enter classrooms until preschool,鈥� she said. 鈥淚nfants and toddlers 鈥� that鈥檚 non-negotiable. At this age, we know there鈥檚 no app that can replicate what a caring adult and a sensory bin can do for a 2-year-old鈥檚 development. When children reach preschool age, that鈥檚 where technology enters, but very carefully.鈥�

Children may use the Balanced Learning app up to twice a week, for no more than 15 minutes, Poindexter noted. 

Patel acknowledged that the transition away from the app can be a challenge for children and staff, but noted that, 鈥渨e鈥檙e fighting neurochemistry, not kids.鈥� 

Children get a two-minute wrap-up cue on the app. Patel鈥檚 staff also offer verbal reminders and try to empower the children by letting them turn the tablet off and put it away themselves. Sometimes the kids try to bargain for more, Patel said. They鈥檒l say, 鈥淚 just want to finish this,鈥� Patel said. 

鈥淲e鈥檝e given our teachers certain things to say, like, 鈥業 know it鈥檚 hard to stop,鈥欌�� she said. 鈥淲e always try to positively redirect a child into doing something else.鈥�

Sometimes there is a disconnect between that approach and what happens at home. Some parents, Patel said, may give their child an hour or two to watch whatever they want. 

鈥淲e do sometimes get worried that we have to start all over again [when] Monday hits,鈥� Patel said. 

Still, despite these challenges, Patel feels strongly that children in the program benefit from having some exposure to technology, rather than none at all. 

鈥淭he best thing is to not pretend that this thing doesn鈥檛 exist,鈥� she said. 

She offered an analogy. If a child is not allowed to have any cake on his birthday for the first 10 years of his life, and then is given a cake on his 10th birthday, he might be inclined to eat the whole thing. Whereas if he鈥檇 had one slice of cake each year on his birthday, he may have learned how to consume the sugar in moderation.

鈥淵ou鈥檙e teaching the kid to learn things in small quantities,鈥� she said. 鈥淯sing the iPad or screen time for smaller chunks is better than not having limits.鈥�

Blocker, of Children and Screens, offered a counterpoint. 

鈥淚 think it鈥檚 important to acknowledge there鈥檚 no evidence that a lack of technology is bad,鈥� she said. 鈥淭here鈥檚 no research to indicate that not having it in there is a problem.鈥�

Blocker and other child development experts pointed out that screens are not the primary risk here. It鈥檚 actually what screens are replacing 鈥� hands-on learning, real-world experiences, free play and close caregiver interactions 鈥� that is the bigger concern. 

鈥淓very minute a child is spending on a device isn鈥檛 spent on serve-and-return or physical development,鈥� Blocker said. 鈥淩esearch is pretty clear young kids don鈥檛 learn as well from screens. What is the screen taking away? That鈥檚 one primary challenge: making sure it鈥檚 not displacing vital developmental inputs.鈥�

Parlakian, at Zero to Three, would not necessarily suggest that technology should be absent from early care and education programs altogether, but noted that when it is present, it must be used thoughtfully and intentionally. That kind of approach, though, places the burden on already-overextended program leaders and teachers. 

There may be value in children seeing a concept they’re learning about come to life in a video. Children may understand the book 鈥淭he Very Hungry Caterpillar鈥� better if they get to pair it with a video of a butterfly emerging from its chrysalis, she said. But there is no place, Parlakian feels, for screen use that is strictly for entertainment in early care and education programs. 

鈥淟ife is entertainment for young children,鈥� she said. 鈥淭here should be plenty to explore, experiment and solve in their setting.鈥�

Nancy Burnside has devoted three decades to caring for children. At age 46, she jokes that she tried to leave the industry several times to pursue careers in retail and event planning, but she always came back to early childhood education.听

In 2015, Burnside returned to her home state from Georgia and reopened her parents鈥� Kosciusko childcare center, now called 3 Steps Daycare. She knew running the family business would be more of a passion than a lucrative job, but she never imagined things would be so hard. 

鈥淢y mom worked 16-hour days,鈥� Burnside said. 鈥淚 grew up in this industry 鈥� But this is the worst I鈥檝e seen it.鈥�

Over the last year, 75 of the 200 children attending her daycare dropped out. Those kids were all on the state鈥檚 voucher program, which helps low-income families access childcare that makes working possible. Burnside is losing $28,000 a month, hasn鈥檛 taken a salary in two years and is providing free care for five children whose families cannot pay, as well as discounted care for an additional seven children. 

Burnside鈥檚 center is suffering like 89% of centers recently from the Mississippi Low-Income Child Care Initiative. One year after the state ran out of pandemic-era funds that propped up a fragile system, hundreds of childcare providers across Mississippi struggle to stay open while thousands of parents remain on a waiting list for vouchers. Last year saw the greatest number of closures in nearly a decade, as .  

Out of 229 centers surveyed in the report, more than half reported having to terminate staff as a result of the pause, and nearly half reported caring for children whose parents weren鈥檛 paying. 

鈥淲hen you walk through, everybody says, 鈥榊our building is full.鈥� I know it鈥檚 full 鈥� that鈥檚 because I鈥檓 not charging,鈥� Burnside said. 

Despite and advocates, the Mississippi Legislature failed to allocate any money toward the state鈥檚 childcare voucher program. 

If the state doesn鈥檛 put up money for the program, centers will continue to close.

Burnside can鈥檛 fathom why Mississippi doesn鈥檛 prioritize early childhood education, especially in a crisis of this magnitude. She said there is a misconception that her work is babysitting. She said she has only ever thought of her center as a learning institution. It鈥檚 where children master life skills as simple as tying their shoes and as fundamental as making their first friends. 

鈥淭his is where they start,鈥� Burnside said. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 know anything else more important.鈥�

Darren Brewer, a single father born and raised in Kosciusko, knows firsthand the importance of quality childcare. Brewer pays out of pocket for the care his 2-year-old daughter receives at Burnside鈥檚 center, but he believes he may qualify for vouchers now that his family is down to one income. He hopes to apply once the waiting list is resolved. Brewer applauds the center鈥檚 staff for recognizing early symptoms of ADHD and autism in his son, now 5, and for referring him to further testing. 

鈥淚t helped us with the doctors to know what to do and all that,鈥� Brewer said. 

Brewer recognizes the importance of that early intervention, along with the countless birthday parties, graduations and everyday acts of love that have taken place at the center. 

鈥淢s. Nancy helps more people out than anybody in this town,鈥� Brewer said. 

A potential solution that could be 鈥榟uge鈥�

Mississippi鈥檚 parents and childcare providers have one last hope for restoring money to the voucher program 鈥� a funding model that advocates proposed last year. That model would put unused money from the federal program called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families toward the childcare voucher program. 

The Mississippi Department of Human Services is the agency overseeing the voucher program. For months, officials there said it was not possible to use more TANF money than the state already devoted to childcare. Currently, Mississippi transfers the maximum 30% of TANF funds to the state-run voucher program. 

However, advocates have pointed to other states that have legitimately and successfully transferred additional money by creating a revenue stream that utilizes TANF funds separate from the 30% limit. 

In January, department officials and said they were 鈥渆xploring鈥� the funding model. 

Now, Mark Jones, chief communications officer at MDHS, says the agency is finalizing a plan to use advocates鈥� model. The department has not made an official announcement. Jones would not say how much money his department would allocate or how many families the additional money would serve. 

Jones estimates that $60 million is needed to resolve the waiting list. Before the Legislature decided against it, lawmakers to the voucher program. Advocates say that while any amount will help, families and educators will continue to suffer if the state doesn鈥檛 put up the full amount. 

鈥淎s long as we have that waiting list, we know that children, working parents and providers are going to continue to struggle,鈥� said Matt Williams, director of research at the Mississippi Low-Income Child Care Initiative. 

Still, Williams believes any allocation of money through this new TANF model would help establish the framework for the state to access more funds for the voucher program in the future. He said the implementation of this funding model would be a 鈥渉uge, positive development.鈥�

At the height of the crisis, the department reported a waiting list of 20,000 families. On April 22, Jones amended that number, saying it included duplicates and that there are currently 9,400 families waiting for vouchers. 

Even when the system is not in crisis, it is a far cry from reaching all the people for whom it was designed. Many families don鈥檛 know they qualify, or they may fall off the program due to red tape. 

Experts in Mississippi do not have solid estimates about how many eligible families go without care. But across the country, the voucher program eligible families, leaving far more without needed help in covering childcare costs. 

Meanwhile, Burnside doesn鈥檛 think she can make it past January if the families she works with don鈥檛 regain lost vouchers. She knows that closing would be an enormous loss for her community, where her center has been a lifeline for generations.  

Today, she serves many of the children of Kosciusko natives who attended the center when her parents owned it. She鈥檚 watched parents dropping off their kids become grandparents dropping off their grandkids. 

鈥淚鈥檓 like, 鈥業 bet you didn鈥檛 think you would never come back on this road,鈥欌�� Burnside laughed. 鈥淏ut they do.鈥�

If her business is forced to shut down, she does not know where those caregivers will go to continue working and supporting their families.

This first appeared on and is republished here under a .

Affordable preschool options are few and far between for Hannah Miller, a Waik艒loa mom of a 2- and 4-year-old. 

For more than three years, Miller has relied on a free early learning program run out of a church in Waimea. 

The program has taught her two children new skills, like counting to 10 in Hawaiian and socializing with other kids, Miller said, while also introducing her to a community of other parents. But the program is set to close in the fall as federal funding runs dry for up to 17 early learning sites across the state.

鈥淲e feel like we have nothing for him, so he鈥檚 just going to be home with us,鈥� Miller said about her son, who still has another year before he鈥檚 eligible for kindergarten. 鈥淲e鈥檙e heartbroken.鈥� 

Across the state, early learning programs are struggling to stay afloat amid potential federal funding cuts and reluctance from state lawmakers to fund preschool and child care initiatives this year. While the state faces an ambitious goal to provide preschool to all 3- and 4-year-olds by 2032, the future of the initiative remains unclear as one of its champions, Lt Gov. Sylvia Luke, takes a  amid a state investigation.   

Most early learning bills this year requested state funding to build the teacher workforce or keep child care and preschool programs afloat. But nearly all the proposals died as lawmakers faced significant budget constraints from federal funding cuts and Kona low storm damages amounting to $1 billion mid-way through the session. 

鈥淭hey鈥檙e supposed to vote their priorities, and it was just not a priority this year,鈥� said Malia Tsuchiya, early childhood policy and advocacy coordinator at Hawai驶i Children鈥檚 Action Network. 

But failing to invest in early learning programs could have significant consequences for working families and the state鈥檚 economy as a whole, Tsuchiya said. High-quality preschool and child care not only prepare kids for school, she said, but they also allow parents to reenter the workforce and maintain stable employment. 

While Hawai驶i runs some of the highest quality public preschools in the nation, it ranks among the worst states for 4-year-old children鈥檚 access to these programs, according to a  from the National Institute for Early Education Research. 

Coming off a challenging legislative session, advocates worry that momentum around universal preschool could further stall as Luke steps away from office. Luke led lawmakers in appropriating hundreds of millions of dollars for  in 2022, but investments may slow unless lawmakers continue to make early learning access a top priority, Tsuchiya said. 

鈥淲e鈥檙e going to need our lawmakers to support that investment,鈥� Tsuchiya said. 鈥淥ur priorities shouldn鈥檛 come and go because one person goes.鈥� 

Funding Shortfalls 

O驶ahu parent Danielle Alefosio faced multiple roadblocks when she tried to enroll her 4-year-old daughter in preschool last summer. Some programs had waitlists, she said, while others required $200 to $300 deposits that her family couldn鈥檛 afford. 

But Alefosio found another option: Parkway Village Preschool in Kapolei, which opened as the state鈥檚  last year. Since starting school, Alefosio said, she鈥檚 seen her daughter progress from speaking in gibberish to talking in full sentences and develop a love for learning. 

鈥淭hey鈥檙e top tier,鈥� she said. 

Parkway Village is one of two preschool-only charter schools in the state, which serve a total of roughly 180 students and are tuition-free. The two schools receive $171,000 per classroom in state funds, but advocates say it鈥檚 not enough to run high-quality programs and entice others to join the charter school model. 

Providers need roughly $275,000 to $285,000 to run a charter preschool classroom, said Caroline Hayashi, president of the Waik墨k墨 Community Center. The center works as a nonprofit partner with , which serves nearly 100 students. 

Charter schools can work with their nonprofit partners to raise money to cover funding gaps, Hayashi said. But it鈥檚 not possible for nonprofits to cover such significant shortfalls, she said, and insufficient funding from the state could discourage other people from starting their own charter preschools. 

鈥淭here鈥檚 more sites where this could really work,鈥� Hayashi said. 鈥淏ut in order to make that a reality, the key is making it more financially sustainable.鈥� 

Parkway Village Preschool faces a budget shortfall of roughly $100,000 per classroom 鈥� or $400,000 for the entire year, said Trisha Kajimura, vice president at Parents and Children Together, which serves as the preschool鈥檚 nonprofit partner.  would have helped to close the gap by raising state funding to $250,000 per classroom, which is closer to the true costs of operating charter preschools, Kajimura said. 

The bill passed through the House but died when it failed to receive a hearing in the Senate Education Committee, chaired by Sen. Donna Kim. The bill did not have an appropriation amount, although the Hawai驶i State Public Charter School Commission estimated the proposal would cost $790,000 in addition to the existing funds charter preschools receive. 

Funding shortfalls are also affecting early learning programs targeting low-income, rural communities.

A handful of nonprofits across the state run a network of family and child interaction learning centers, which provide free educational programs to infants and toddlers and their caregivers. The programs have historically relied on roughly $20 million from the federal Native Hawaiian Education program. 

But one of the primary nonprofits, Partners in Development Foundation, is in the last few months of its three-year grant, and there have been no opportunities to reapply for federal funding, said president and chief executive officer Shawn Kanaiaupuni.

Nonprofit leaders like Kanaiaupuni asked state lawmakers to fill the funding gap earlier this year, warning that  could close if the federal government stopped awarding grants through the Native Hawaiian Education program.  would have set aside an unspecified amount of state funding to support the programs, but the bill died when it failed to receive a hearing in the Senate Education Committee. 

Partners in Development was able to find other sources of funding to keep 19 of its locations open, but it plans on closing 17 family learning sites in the fall, including all four of its Kaua驶i programs. The closures will affect more than 1,000 children and 1,000 caregivers, Kanaiaupuni said, although she鈥檚 hopeful some county funding will come through to save four sites on Maui. 

鈥淗ow much can our families sustain?鈥� Kanaiaupuni said. 鈥淭he impact is really devastating.鈥� 

Other nonprofits operating similar family learning programs are able to keep their sites open for now, but the future of federal funding remains uncertain. The proposed version of the 2027 federal budget eliminates funding for the Native Hawaiian Education program entirely, and there鈥檚 no guarantee that the federal education department will award grants in a timely manner even if Congress appropriates the money, U.S. Rep. Jill Tokuda said. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 a huge impact on our communities,鈥� Tokuda said. 鈥淲e need to continue to make sure that this funding is available and that it鈥檚 awarded and it gets to where it needs to go.鈥� 

Pre-K Needs A Champion

Despite a tumultuous session for early learning programs, Tsuchiya said she鈥檚 still optimistic the state can reach its goal of providing preschool to all 3- and 4-year-olds by 2032. The state has renovated and constructed 81 preschool classrooms in the past three years and plans on opening another 26 this summer, according to the School Facilities Authority, the agency tasked with building new preschools.  

As of October, the state projected it needed to build  to provide universal access to preschool by 2032. 

But the state needs continued investments in preschool expansion to maintain its progress and hit its 2032 goal, Tsuchiya said. While the School Facilities Authority requested $31 million for preschool construction, lawmakers set aside $20 million in the most recent version of the budget. 

Early learning providers have also raised concerns that the teacher workforce can鈥檛 keep up with the state鈥檚 demand for new classrooms.  aimed to address the problem by setting aside state funds for an apprenticeship program, which would allow prospective teachers to work in early learning classrooms and get paid while earning their early educator credentials. 

鈥淢y desire here is to focus more on the workforce pipeline to make sure we have these early childhood education workers ready to fill these buildings as they get built out,鈥� said Rep. Andrew Garrett, who introduced the bill. He estimates the program would cost roughly $8 million. 

The bill failed to pass out of conference committee.

Moving forward, it鈥檚 critical for preschool access to remain a top priority for state officials, said Kerrie Urosevich, executive director of Early Childhood Action Strategy. While Luke has pushed for the aggressive expansion of preschool access in recent years, Urosevich said, she鈥檚 worried progress could stall unless the governor or next lieutenant governor continues to champion the issue. 

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think it has enough momentum on its own,鈥� Urosevich said. 鈥淚 think it鈥檚 going to require a champion.鈥�

This was originally published on .

But now, in the wake of a new focus among Ohio lawmakers on supposed fraud in the state鈥檚 childcare system, they are on the verge of ditching the idea altogether. A under consideration would require providers to be paid based on attendance rather than enrollment as they are by parents who pay out of pocket.

In December, conservative YouTuber Nick Shirley posted a video claiming to uncover widespread fraud in Minnesota鈥檚 childcare program, particularly among daycare centers run by Somali American residents. The video went viral and reached federal officials, and the Trump administration cited it as motivation to pursue an and various efforts to restrict federal childcare funding. Despite the video offering no verified evidence of fraud 鈥� and the fact that the state was several cases of fraud in its childcare system 鈥� some states have responded by intensifying their focus on supposed fraud. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott agencies to launch investigations into childcare fraud, while Idaho鈥檚 Department of Health and Welfare heightened reviews of funding. (The reviews found of providers guilty of any wrongdoing.)

Shirley鈥檚 video sparked an immediate reaction in Ohio, according to Tamara Lunan, a childcare organizer with the Ohio Organizing Collaborative. The state has the Somali American population, just behind Minnesota. in Columbus, Ohio claimed centers were receiving public funding for nonexistent children even though evidence at least two of those claims. According to the at The Ohio State University, just 0.43% of all the providers who accept vouchers through the state鈥檚 publicly funded childcare program were found to be misusing funds in 2025. In a of 124 complaints sent to the state鈥檚 Department of Children and Youth last year, the agency found no evidence of fraud in 100 of them.

In January, Ohio lawmakers two proposals 鈥� House Bills 647 and 649 鈥� they said were aimed at combatting fraud in the state鈥檚 publicly funded childcare system.  

Marquita McClendon, who has operated a childcare program in Cincinnati since 2023, acknowledged that fraud exists. 鈥淏ut I feel like the systems that we already have in place already do the job necessary,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e changing laws over an unsubstantiated claim. It鈥檚 just beyond me.鈥�

The state made some changes ahead of implementing the new enrollment-based payment system that have led to sacrifices for providers. It a requirement for counties to use presumptive eligibility, which allows families to receive childcare vouchers if they already qualify for another program like food stamps, and allows parents to enroll immediately once they get a new job, rather than waiting weeks for their paperwork to be approved. Some providers accept children into their programs during that interim period anyway, Lunan said, but often aren鈥檛 paid for all of that time. The state also reimbursement rates for some types of in-home providers and increased the threshold for children to qualify as full time, which allows providers to be reimbursed at a higher rate. 

鈥淭here were things taken away from us,鈥� McClendon pointed out. With those reductions, she鈥檚 making $10,000 less each month, she said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e in the red.鈥� The loss of revenue has meant she can鈥檛 buy new equipment for the children in her care or do field trips this summer as she normally would. 鈥淚 can鈥檛 run an effective program,鈥� she said.

If providers were paid based on enrollment, it would help them weather children鈥檚 absences for illness or snowstorms, 鈥渢hings that providers can鈥檛 possibly be able to plan for when they鈥檙e making their budgets,鈥� Lunan said. It 鈥渨ould help to stabilize the programs.鈥� Instead, 鈥淧roviders are hemorrhaging income based on these changes,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 killing their bottom line.鈥�

Reversing the decision to pay based on enrollment is just one of the changes included in the legislative proposals Ohio lawmakers have put forward in the name of fighting fraud this year. Some others have since been toned down or removed. initially that would have given the state鈥檚 Department of Children and Youth the power to cut off funding or suspend a license for any provider merely suspected of fraud, waste or misuse of dollars without a hearing. That language has since from the bill; now those actions can be taken if 鈥渆vidence demonstrates鈥� that a provider knowingly engaged in fraud or misuse of funds. But providers remain concerned about lawmakers giving the attorney general more power to prosecute perceived fraud, which in the bill. 

鈥淲e don鈥檛 want to see childcare providers get penalized because the state made an overpayment to them,鈥� Lunan said. Both overpayments and underpayments are included when states calculate their payment error rates, and those can be due to the state government鈥檚 error, not providers acting with ill intent. Her organization is pushing for the state to create a committee made up of childcare providers that could distinguish between clerical errors and actual, intentional fraud. 

The original proposal for , introduced by Republican lawmaker Josh Williams, would have mandated the installation of cameras in all childcare programs that receive government funding to 鈥渁llow visual inspections in real time,鈥� . It would have given the Department of Children and Youth the ability to view the footage at any time. McClendon pointed out that she has diaper changing stations in her classrooms. 鈥淭here鈥檚 no way to protect my children鈥檚 privacy,鈥� she said, calling the idea 鈥渁 bit extreme.鈥�

While that idea has since been abandoned, lawmakers have adjusted the bill to facial recognition for children who attend programs that receive public funding. Such technology won鈥檛 work on young children, particularly infants, given how rapidly their faces are developing and changing, McClendon and Lunan pointed out. McClendon also noted the challenge of keeping kids still long enough to take a photograph. Lunan pointed out that there is already an existing mandate for programs to have an attendance system in place that takes pictures of parents when they sign children in.

An made to that bill the storing of photos of the children. But many parents are still opposed, Lunan said: a against mandating facial recognition has been signed by nearly 900 people. 

Lawmakers are also reducing the time given for allowing a child to be checked in retroactively, if their attendance was originally missed, from 30 days to seven. 鈥淭hat would be a tremendous hardship,鈥� Lunan said, on both providers and the parents who are the ones who have to go into the system and fix the problem.  

The legislation calls for spending up to over two years on data analytics to detect patterns of fraud or abuse. The facial recognition proposal alone would be 鈥渆xpensive for the state and providers, diverting scarce public dollars and provider time away from care itself and toward unnecessary surveillance infrastructure,鈥� said Ali Smith, senior project coordinator at Policy Matters Ohio, . Lunan agreed. 鈥淲e don鈥檛 need funds to come out of childcare,鈥� she said. What Ohio childcare providers need instead, she said, is more funding, not less. 鈥淧roviders are not defrauding the system. They are barely breaking even 鈥� most providers are in the red,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he conversation really needs to shift from fraud to funding.鈥�

The anti-fraud bills 鈥渨ould just destabilize childcare, or destabilize it further, because it鈥檚 already unstable,鈥� Lunan said.